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Cornell University Library 
F 68 M931865 

Mourt's relation or journal of the plant 

3 1924 028 815 079 
olin Overs 

Cornell University 

The original of this book is in 
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Journal of the Plantation 
at Plymouth, 1622. 

IfiJbrarg d ito-(£tt0kttb Ipsiorg. 

No. I. 


Mourt's Relation 


Journal of ttje plantation at Pgmoutt) 





ii a tt t o n 



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No. ZS/LliJ- 

A- ^51% 

©oiiion, —* Pro fjartteb Htt& Jfifig Copies, Jfoolarap <ttrarfo. 
f{jtrfg-fife: Copus, $opl (fnarto. 

Entered, according to Act. of Congrefs, in the year 1865, 


In the Clerk's Office of the Diftrifl Court of the United States for the Diftrict. of Maffachufetts. 

Boston : 
Press of Geo. C. Rand fir* Avery. 






" m latton, 





§s Ipebicaitb foitj; afiJtctionate $Ugari&, 




This is the firft of a feries of literal reprints of fome 
of the moft valuable tracts on our early New-England 
hiftory. Their originals are now fo fcarce as to be, in 
many cafes, almoft beyond the reach of the ampleft 
means ; fo that private collectors and public libraries muft 
be content with fome reiffue. A ftricl fac-Jimile, page 
for page, and line by line, were, indeed, poffible, and 
would be fcarcely more coftly than fuch an edition as 
is here propofed. Such a facsimile would, however, be 
really no better for accuracy than this; which aims at 
a faithful reproduction of the original, letter by letter, 
though not page for page. This form is, on the whole, 
preferred, becaufe it admits that light from notes, in im- 
mediate connection with the text, which is very deferable 
in fuch reprints. 

The works forming this feries will therefore be liter- 
ally reprinted from the firft editions, — the intention 

viii PREFACE. 

being to reproduce every peculiarity of the original 
down to the minuteft errors of the prefs, — fo that he 
who holds one of them in his hand fhall read the 
ipjijjima verba of the ancient volume ; while fuch Intro- 
ductions and Notes will be added as will give the reader 
the benefit of the lateft and broadeft refearch in the de- 
partment to which each belongs. 

J. K. w. 

Boston, 15 July, 1865. 


Inirnbuxiktt frg % €bxtax. 

A novice in hiftorical criticifm may very naturally 
fhrink from entering into comparifon with a veteran ; 
and, when invited by the publifher of this feries to pre- 
pare for it an edition of the firft journals of the Pilgrims, 
I mould hardly have been able to overcome my repug- 
nance to appear guilty of the prefumption of being able to 
do better any thing which fuch a man as Dr. Young had 
done fo well, had I not remembered that both Bradford's 
Hiftory and the Leyden Records have offered themfelves 
to our ftudy fince he wrote ; had I not hoped that a per- 
sonal familiarity from childhood with important portions 
of the ground on which the events narrated took place, 
might aid me to fome conclufions the data of which had 
efcaped his attentive yet fometimes unfamiliar eye ; and 
had I not greatly defired that a literal reprint of Mourt 
mould be fecured. I can only hope that my fuccefs, 
efpecially in the latter particular, may prove to be in 


fome meafure equal to my endeavor ; although that has 
lacked the well-nigh indifpenfable element of abundant 
leifure to read proof over and over and over again until 
every minuteft untruthfulnefs has been eliminated. 

The Relation was firft printed in London by John Bel- 
lamie, in 1622. In 1624, John Smith introduced an ab- 
ftract of much of it into his General Hijlorie, under the 
head of A Plantation in New-England. In 1625, it was 
condenfed about one-half (and not very accurately) by 
Purchas, and inferted in the fourth volume of his Pil- 
grims. This abridgment was reprinted with notes by 
Dr. Freeman, in 1802, in 1 Majf. Hiji. Coll., viii. [pp. 
203-2 39.J In 1822, thofe portions which Purchas had 
omitted were reprinted with notes by Dr. Freeman and 
Judge Davis, in 2 Maff. Hift. Coll., ix. [pp. 26-74], from 
a manufcript copy, procured in 1819, by Mr. Du Ponceau, 
from the original volume in the City Library of Phila- 
delphia. Thefe difjecla membra were all that had been 
done in the way of reiffue, until 1841, when Dr. Young 
reprinted the complete work, from the copy of the ori- 
ginal in the library of Harvard College, in his Chronicles 
of the Pilgrim Fathers [pp. 109-249]. He added co- 
pious and very valuable notes, but did not feek to repro- 
duce the volume in its original flyle. In 1848, Rev. 


George B. Cheever, D.D., of New- York City, iffued an 
edition, which he intended fhould be an accurate repro- 
duction of the Relation in its fpelling, though he made no 
attempt to caft his book in the mold of the original as to 
form, and freely modified it in the matter of paragraphs 
and punctuation ; adding more than two hundred and 
fifty pages of comment or differtation, fuggefted by the 

•The prefent is, therefore (throwing out the abridg- 
ments of Smith and Purchas), the fourth reprint (fifth 
edition) of the book, and the firft reiffue in which the 
endeavor has been made to follow exactly the firft 
copies, in ftyle of type, paging, and identity of embel- 
lifhment, — in all of which particulars neither pains nor 
expenfe has been fpared to render it worthy of the 
confidence and favor of connoiffeurs. Every caption, 
initial letter, and ornamental heading, has been engraved 
in fac-Jimile from the original ; and the only defect in the 
reproduction is, that the copy — thanks to the fuperior 
capabilities of the modern prefs — is a great deal more 
fplendid than its modeft prototype ever was in all the 
glory of its frefhnefs, two hundred and forty-three years 

The hafty reader will not do juftice to the accom- 


pliflied prefs from which this volume proceeds, unlefs 
he remembers that the proofs of the firft edition of the 
Relation were very imperfectly read ; and, by confe- 
quence, have compelled this reprint to blufh under a 
load of errors which would be the ruin of a modern 
printer of any pretenfion, if the fact were not kept in 
memory that thefe errors are, with him, blunders of fkill, 
and not of careleffnefs. I have not ufually thought it 
needful to call attention to them in the notes, except 
when they become liable to miflead the reader, or are of 
fuch a nature as very much to obfcure the fenfe. In- 
ftances like "ny" for "many" (page 5, nth line from the 
top), " Munday the 13. day," for " Munday the 18. day" 
(page 61, 5th line from the top), &c, it has not been 
thought neceffary to refer to in the notes, as they fufH- 
ciently explain themfelves. John Bellamie's printing- 
office appears to have run very low in punctuation-marks 
as the compofitors approached the end of this book, fo 
that Italic colons, and old Englifh colons and periods, 
were not unfrequently made to do unwonted duty in 
plain Roman company, — all of which, fo far as watchful 
eyes have been able to fecure it, has been here faithfully 
duplicated ; in the recollection of that fuggeftion of De 
Bury which has fpecial force in its application to the. re- 


production of an ancient volume, — " Quantum impediat 
tntelleclus officiumvel unius vocabuli femi plena notitia,"* 
and in the feeling that Alcuin's motto, in its moft fervile 
fenfe, is fafeft for a copyift, whether with pen or types : — 

" Et punftos ponant ordine quofque fuo." f 

This reprint has been made from a copy of the ori- 
ginal moft kindly loaned for the purpofe by Mr. Charles 
Deane of Cambridge, to whom I am further indebted for 
fundry valuable hints. I have been efpecially aided in 
regard to all queftions relating to the topography of 
Provincetown, and the extremity of Cape Cod, by the 
intelligent help of the Rev. Osborne Myrick, for many 
years the excellent paftor of the Congregational Church 
in that town, who has made the ancient geography and 
natural hiftory of that interefting but peculiar portion of 
our Maffachufetts territory a fpecial ftudy. My thanks 
are alfo due to the Hon. J. Hammond Trumbull of 
Hartford, Conn., for the notes which he has generoufly 
furnifhed upon fundry Indian names herein occurring ; 
thereby enriching the work with fuggeftions of that 
defcription, fometimes of fpecial intereft, and always of 
unique value, inafmuch as his dictum, upon a queftion on 

* Philobiblion. Cap. xii. 1. 3. t Alcuini Opera., ii. 211. 


which he is the mofl accomplifhed living authority, is 
neceffarily final. I muft not forget, alfo, to record my 
gratitude to M. le Baron W. J. C. Rammelman Elfevier, 
Archivift of the city of Leyden, for various items from 
the Leyden Ms. records, fhedding new light upon fome 
of the relationfhips and experiences of our Pilgrim fath- 
ers and mothers before their coming to thefe fhores, of 
which I have freely availed myfelf. 

All dates have been given in both new and old ftyle, 
to facilitate the convenience of the reader. 

The maps I have traced from the State map, in out- 
line, and filled them in, by the aid of Major Graham's 
chart, according to my beft judgment ; endeavoring ef- 
pecially to indicate the locality of the firft wafhing-place, 
and the probable route taken by each of the three ex- 
ploring parties. 

Dr. Young has brought out, with great clearnefs and 
conclufivenefs, the evidence that Bradford and Winflow 
were the authors of the main portion of this volume. 
Cuftiman fays it was " writ by the feveral actors them- 
felves, after their plain and rude manner" (fee page xxxvi); 
and all that we know of the Plymouth Pilgrims limits 
the probabilities of fuch authorfhip to Bradford and 


Winflow. If one were to attempt to defignate fpecifi- 
cally the fource of every portion of the volume, the 
refult muft be, I think, as follows: — 

pp. xxxv-xxxviii. Dedication to Mr. John Peirce, . Robert Cufhman. 

pp. xxxix-xl. To the Reader, George Morton. 

pp. xli-xlvii. Certaine vfeful Advertifements, . John Robin/on. 

pp. 1-97. A Relation, &c, William Bradford. 

pp. 98-1 1 1. A Journey to Packanokik, &c. . Edward Win/low. 

pp. 1 1 2-1 1 7. A Voyage, &c, to Naufet, &c. . Edward Winflow. 

pp. 1 18-123. A Journey to Namafchet, &c. -. . Edward Winflow. 

pp. 124-130. A Relation of the Voyage to 

the Majfl, Edward Winflow. 

pp. 131-142. A Letter, &c Edward Win/low. 

pp. 143-154. Reafons and Confederations, &c. Robert Cufhman. 

Thefe Journals of the daily occurrences in the infant 
Colony bear the marks of having been written from day 
to day, on the ground ; and therefore claim the higheft 
value as teftimony in regard to the facts which they nar- 
rate. They were evidently carried to England by Robert 
Cufhman, when he returned in the Fortune, and were 
placed by him in the hands of " G. Mourt " for publica- 
tion, with his own prefixed note to Mr. Peirce, and 
appended tract perfuafive of emigration. 

It would appear, from a paffage in Edward Winflow's 
Good Newes from New-England, which was publifhed in 


London in 1624, that it was not underftood, when theie 
Journals left their author's hands, that they would be 
printed on reaching London. Winflow fays [as in 
Young's Chron. Plym., page 355], " Myfelf and others, 
in former letters {which came to the prefs againji my will 
and knowledge), wrote, &c, &c." I am not aware of any 
other publication than this to which he could thus refer ; 
fo that the inference feems unavoidable that thefe jour- 
nals were fent over to their friends in London in Ms., 
and with the original expectation that they would remain 
fo, but were publifhed by Mourt (who fays he " thought 
it not a miffe to make them more generall "), with Cufh- 
man's advice and affiftance ; probably on requeft of the 
merchant adventurers, in the feeling that fuch publica- 
tion would aid in the work of inducing new emigrants 
to offer themfelves to the waiting Colony, in which thofe 
adventurers had fo decided a pecuniary intereft. 

But who was " G. Mourt ? " From his preface, two 
things are clear: — 

1. He had been formerly affociated with the writers 
of thefe Journals — Bradford and Winflow — to that de- 
gree that he could fpeak of them as " my both known 
and faithful friends " (fee page xxxix). 


2. He had always defired, and was now intending foon, 
to emigrate in perfon to join the company in New-Plym- 
outh ; inafmuch as he fays, " Myfelfe then much defired, 
and fhortly hope to effect, if the Lord will, the putting to of 
my fhoulder in this hope full bufinefs." (See page xxxix.) 

If in this cafe, as in each fimilar inftance in the vol- 
ume, the initials only had been given, and we were fim- 
ply called upon to interpret " G. M.," no one probably 
would hefitate to read them George Morton, inafmuch as 
there was no other member of the Leyden-Plymouth 
Company, to all appearance, fo likely as he was to have 
done fuch a work. He had joined them at leaft as 
early as 1612. He had been intrufted with public em- 
ployment on their behalf. He feems to have been in 
London as an agent for them, while thofe negotiations 
were going on with Wefton and others, which refulted in 
the failing of the Mayflower. He himfelf failed with his 
family for New Plymouth in the Anne, about the laft of 
April, in the following year. He is the only G. M. 
of whom thefe things were true ; in fact, the only G. M. 
of any fort known as being in their company, of whom 
they could be true. 

Unlefs we take the ground, then, that the difference 
between Mourt and Morton is fufflcient to overturn thefe 


probabilities by fuggefting another of greater weight, we 
fhall inevitably come to the conclufion which was 
reached by Dr. Young [Chron. Plym., page 113], that 
" G. Mourt " was none other than George Morton. Mr. 
Hunter, indeed, fuggefts [Founders of New-Plymouth, 
page 122] that there were two Puritan families then in 
England whofe names approached nearer in orthography 
to " Mourt " than Morton does ; viz., Mort in Lanca- 
fhire, and Moult in Derbyfhire : but the fact that no per- 
fon of either of thefe families is known to have had fuch 
intercourfe with the Pilgrim fathers, and fuch connection 
with their hiftory, as are effential to the requifitions of 
this cafe, muft neceffarily be fatal to any inference fuch 
as he fuggefts might be poffible in regard to them. And 
it is only needful to infer fome whim of the moment on 
his part, poffibly fome defire of difguife, or fome unno- 
ticed and uncorrected blunder of the printer here, fuch 
as plentifully occurs elfewhere in the volume, to account 
for the abbreviated form in which the name appears. So 
that we may fafely fet it down as reafonably eftablifhed, 
that George Morton was the procurer in London of the 
publication of this volume, and its introducer to the 
Englifh reader. 

It may be afked why, if his father had this refponfible 



conne&ion with this Relation, did not Nathaniel Morton 
refer to the fact in his Memorial? To this it may be re- 
plied, that George Morton had probably been dead more 
than forty years when Nathaniel Morton wrote the Me- 
morial; that Nathaniel, at the time of his father's death, 
was a child of fcarcely more than eleven years of age ; 
that the fon had even loft the memory of the day of the 
month of June, 1624, in which the deceafe of his father 
took place ; and that, therefore, much definite reference 
would not be natural. I am inclined to think, however, 
that there may be an actual though vague allufion to 
G. Mourt's preface to the Relation, in what Nathaniel 
does fay in the Memorial of his father. I put the two 
fentences in parallel ; thus : — 

" Though it fared with them, 
as it is common to the moft 
actions of this nature, that the 
firft attemps proue diffecult," 
&c. [page xxxix.] 

"Labouring to ftill the Dif- 
contents that fometimes would 
arife amongft fome fpirits, by oc- 
cafion of the Difficulties of thefe 
new beginings," &c. — \_N. E. 
Mem. 48.] 

I fubmit the theory that the author of the Memorial 
had in mind, in writing this fentence, the addrefs of his 
father to the Reader, as quoted above. 


I wifh I knew more of George Morton : it is not for 
want of "journeyings often" that I do not. He arrived 
at Plymouth, in the Anne, in July, 1623, bringing with 
him his wife Juliana, and thefe five children; viz.: — 

(1.) Nathaniel, born (fay) May, 161 3. 

(2.) Patience, born (fay) Feb. 16 15. 

(3.) John, born (fay) Nov. 161 6. 

(4.) Sarah, born (fay) May, 161 8. 

(5.) Ephraim, born (fay) June, 1623. 

The firft four are fuppofed to have been born in Ley- 
den : there is a tradition that Ephraim was born on the 
paffage over. 

George Morton lived lefs than a year after his arrival. 
His fon Nathaniel, in his New-England's Memorial 
[Cambridge, N. E., 1669, page 48], fays of him, "Mr. 
George Morton was a pious gracious Servant of God, and 
very faithful in whatfoever publick Imployment he was 
betrufted withall, and an unfeigned well-wilier, & accord- 
ing to his Sphere and Condition, a futable Promoter of 
the Common Good and Growth of the Plantation of 
New-Plimouth, labouring to ftill the Difcontents that 
fometimes would arife amongft fome fpirits, by occafion 
of the Difficulties of thefe new beginnings: but it pleafed 


God to put a period to his dayes foon after his arrival in 
New-England, not furviving a full year after his coming 
afhore. With much comfort and peace he fell afleep in 
the Lord in the month of June, Anno 1624." 

Going back to England, the next earlier trace which 
we have of George Morton muft depend upon the very 
queftion juft now confidered. If he were " G. Mourt," 
then we find him in London in 162 1-2, acting in fome 
capacity of public fervice for the Leyden and Plymouth 
peoples. » \ 

The next earlier trace occurs in a letter of John Rob- 
infon from Leyden to John Carver in England, under 
date of 2 | jSL', 1620, in which Mr. Robinfon mentions inci- 
dentally that Mr. Wefton "would come to Georg Mor- 
ton and enquire news of him aboute things, as if he had 
fcarce been fome acceffarie unto it." — [Bradford's Hi/I. 
Plym. Plant., 48.] Whether this " coming " took place 
in London or in Leyden, the letter gives no data for 
furely determining; though, for the reafons that Wef- 
ton's residence was in London (though he had vifited 
Leyden a few months before), and that Mr. Robinfon 
prefixes his account by faying, " I have heard that," &c, 
&c, as if that which he relates had happened further 


from his own immediate obfervation than the city where 
he was then refident, I incline to the judgment that Wef- 
ton came to George Morton, in London, and that the lat- 
ter was therefore one of thofe agents who were fent over 
to England whofe names are not given [Bradford's Hijl. 
Plym. Plant., 45], and was therefore officially in England 
at that time. 

Going back ftill further for the next trace, over a 
chafm of eight years, we ftrike the Dutch record of the 
marriage in Leyden, \\ Dec, 161 2, of Edward Picker- 
ing, " merchant from London," with " Maycken Stuws," 
[Mary Stowers ?] and with George Morton prefent as a 
witnefs. Five months earlier, we reach the record of the 
marriage of the man himfelf, as follows: — 

" George Morton, merchant from York in England, ac- 
companied by Thomas Morton his brother, and Roger 
" Wilfon, his acquaintance, 

Juliana Carpenter, maid from Bath in England,* ac- 
'' companied by Alexander Carpenter, her father, and 

* Others of this Carpenter family land, — which is a little village fome 
are down in thefe fame records as fixteen miles, a little fouth of weft, 
from " Wrenten " [Wrington ?] , Eng- from Bath, — in Somerfetfhire. 


"Alice Carpenter her fifter, and Anna Robinfon, her 
" acquaintance* 

" The banns were publifhed, x 6 6 July, 1612. 

" The marriage took place, 2 2 3 i u U g y ', 161 2." 

The clew here given of refidence in the North of Eng- 
gland, I have failed to follow to any comfortable cer- 
tainty of origin. The indefatigable antiquary of York, 
Mr. William Paver, has hunted for me the records of 
that fhire thus far in vain ; writing, " I very much regret 
to have to inform you, that, after a long and painftaking 
fearch, I have not been able to find any thing relating to 
George Morton." It is poffible, indeed, that the fuggef- 
tion which Mr. Hunter throws out {Founders of New- 
Plymouth, 124J, that this George Morton may have 
been the George hitherto unaccounted for in the family 
of Anthony Morton of Bawtry, — one of the " hiftorical 
families of England," — and that from Romanift lineage 
he " fo far departed from the fpirit and principles of his 
family as to have fallen into the ranks of the Proteftant 
Puritans and Separatifts," may be true. Mr. Hunter 
adds, " The conjecture is, perhaps, too bold and too im- 

* This Anna does not appear to den flock ; at leaft, no one with that 

have been a member of the family of Chriftian name is in the lift of his 

the great and good paftor of this Ley- houfehold. 


probable; but it is eafier to fay fo than to inform us 
what became of this prominent member of a very emi- 
nent family." I truft the refearches of the not diftant 
future may fettle the queftion, and reveal the point of 
contact between this Pilgrim and the lineage in the 
Father land. 

I am able to add a few meager notes in regard to the 
defcendants of George Morton in New England, mainly 
in one line of defcent, which I fet down here rather as 
hooks upon which others may, perhaps, be ftimulated to 
hang further refearches, than as afpiring, in the hum- 
bleft degree, to the character of a genealogy of the 

George Morton, 1 merchant, York, Eng., 'fJKf:, 1612, 
m. at Leyden, Holl., Juliana, dau. of Alexander 
Carpenter of Wrington, Somerfetfhire, Eng. He 
d. Plymouth, N. E., June, 1623; fhe d. % Feb., 
i66|, aet. 81. Had five children; viz.: (1) Na- 
thaniel; 2 (2) Patience ; 3 (3) John ; 4 (4) Sarah ; 5 and 
(5) Ephraim. 6 

Nathaniel, 2 b. 1613? (d. 2 ^j^ y e ; 1685.) m. (1) 1635; 
Lydia Cooper (d. ^oX' l &7$)', (2) Ann Templar 
(d. 26 5 j£; 169°.) Had eight children; viz.: (1) Re- 
member 7 (1637); (2) Mercy; 8 (3) Lydia; 9 (4) Eliza- 


beth 10 (» May, 1652); (5) Joanna 11 (,', Nov., 1654); 
(6) Hannah, 12 (7) Eleazer 13 (d. young); (8) Nathan- 
iel I4 (d. young). 

Patience, 3 b. 161 5? m. 1633, John Faunce ; had 
nine children; viz.: (1) Prifcilla 15 (m. Jofeph War- 
ren); (2) Mary' 6 (J* July, 1658, m. William Har- 
low); (3) Patience 17 ( 2 ° Nov., 1661, m. John 
Holmes); (4) Sarah 18 (iJg£ 166 3 , m. Edward Do- 
tey); (5) Thomas 19 (b. a. 1647); (6) Elizabeth 20 (b. 
*\Xt l6 48, d. next yr.) ; (7) Mercy 21 (6 £ Apr., 
1651, 2 !f£;; i66|, m. Nathaniel Holmes); (8) John 22 
(d. 2O g e c v ; 1654); (9) Jofeph 23 (b. II May, 1653, d. J« 
Jan., 1687). 

John, 4 b. 161 5 ? m. Lettice ? had nine chil- 
dren; viz.: (1) John 24 d. young; (2) John ; 2S 
(3) Deborah; 26 (4) Mary; 27 (5) Martha; 28 (6) Han- 
nah; 20 (7) Efther; 3 ° (8-9) Manaffah 31 and Eph- 
raim 32 (twins.) 

Sarah, 5 b. 161 8? 2 ° Dec, 1644, m. (as fecond wife) 
George Bonham ; had probably five children ; viz. : 
(1) Ruth 33 (1g e °£ 1666, m. Robert Barron); (2) 
Patience 34 (*f£; 167°, m. Richard Willis); (3) 
Sarah 33 (b. £ Dec, 1649, d. early in 1650); (4) 
Sarah 36 (b. \\ Jan., 165J, d. prob. foon) ; (5) Sarah 37 
(b. II Dec, 1653, d. % 8 ££; 1704, aet. 86). 

Ephraim, 6 b. 1623 ? d. , 7 Sept., 1693, m. (1) ll Nov., 
1644, Ann Cooper (d. ,'„ Sept., 1691) ; (2) Oct., 
1692, Widow Mary Harlow. By the firft wife had 


nine children; viz.: (i) Ephraim 38 (b. ^fe ; 164*, 
d. ; 8 Feb., 173I); (2) Rebecca 39 (b. » Mar., 165 1); 
(3) Jofiah 40 (b. 1653); George 41 [he fieeps on 
Burial Hill in Plymouth, with this infcription, 
" Here lies y c Body of Deacon George Morton, 
who Dec. d Auguft y' 2 d 1727 in y c 82 d year of 
his Age"]; (5) Nathaniel; 42 (6) Eleazer; 43 (7) 
Thomas; 44 (8) Patience 45 (m. John Nelfon); (9) 
Mercy. 45 

Eleazer, 43 m. Rebecca ? (received from his 

father by wilf in Plym. Rec. [of date *\%<£; 1693.J 
all his intereft in the 1 6 milling purchafe, so called, 
in Middleborough, and one-third of his refidual 
perfonal eftate), had four children; viz.: (1) Eleaz- 
er; 47 (2) Ann; 48 (3) Nathaniel; 49 (4) Rebecca. 30 

Nathaniel, 49 m. 1720, Rebecca Ellis, widow of Mor- 
decai (fhe m. Ellis in 1715), and daughter of 
Thomas Clark. They had four children ; viz. : 

(1) Elizabeth ; 5 ' (2) Nathaniel 52 (b. 1723); (3) 
Eleazer; 53 (4) Ichabod. 54 The father was loft at 
fea while ftill young, and his widow m. 1730, for 
her third husband, Thomas Swift, of Sandwich, 
by whom fhe had a numerous iffue. [Ichabod** (m. 

Deborah ? who d. 17 Nov., 1789, est. 59), lived 

in Middleborough, was 10 th deacon of the Con- 
gregational Church there, where he d. 10 May, 
1809, cet. 85. He had fix fons ; viz. : (1) Eleazer ; ss 

(2) Elifha; 55 (3) Ichabod; 57 John ; 58 (5) Nathaniel ; 59 
(6) Mordecai. 60 ] 


Nathaniel, 52 i 749, m. Martha Tupper, and had five 
children ; viz. : (1) Rebecca; 61 (2) Nathaniel; 62 (3) 
Martha; 63 (4) Elizabeth; 64 (5) Job. 65 [He lived 
firft in Middleborough, but removed thence to 
Freetown, on the neck between Long Pond and 
AJfawompfett and Quitticas, where he accumulated 
a large property; leaving each of his children a 
farm, and ftill holding four or five farms at his 
death. His fon Job 65 lived on his land, and reared 
a large family of boys.] 

Nathaniel, 62 b. 1 June, 1753 (d. 18 Nov., 1832, aet. 
79), 19 Mar., 1782, m. Mary Cary [3d child of 
Eleazer, of Bridgewater, — fon of Jonathan, fon 
of Jonathan, fon of John, fr. Somerfetfhire, Eng.J, 
b. 11 April, 1756 (d. 9 Aug., 1835, aet. 79). They 
had two children; viz.: (1) Marcus; 66 (2) Mary. 67 

Marcus, 66 b. 19 Feb., 1781 (d. 6 Feb., 1864, est. 79), 
23 Dec, 1807, m. Charlotte Hodges, of Taunton. 
They had twelve children; viz.: — (1) Joanna 
Maria 68 (b. 28 Oct., 1808, m. William T. Hawes, 
New Bedford) ; (2) Charlotte 69 (b. 9 July, 1810, d. 
15 Oct., 1814); (3) Lydia Mafon 7 ° (b. 29 June, 
1 81 2, m. Rev. Henry Lee, D. D., now Bifhop of 
Iowa); (4) Nathaniel 71 (b. 16 Apr., 18 14, d. 10 
May, 1 8 14); (5) Charlotte 72 (b. 19 Apr., 1815, m. 
Samuel Watfon, Efq., Nafhville, Tenn.) ; (6) Sarah 
Carey 73 (b. 31 Mar., 181 7, m. Willard Lovering, 
Efq., Taunton); (7) Marcus 74 b. 8 April, 1819, m. 
Abby Hoppin of Providence, R. I.) ; (8) Nathan- 


iel 7S (b. 3 Dec, 1821, m. Harriet, dau. of Hon. 
Francis Baylies of Taunton, d. 12 Feb., 1856); 

(9) James Hodges 75 (b. 21 June, 1824, m. Eliza- 
beth, dau. of Hon. Geo. Afhmun of Springfield) ; 

(10) Sufan Tillinghaft 77 (b. 16 April, 1826, m. M. 
Day Kimball, Efq., Bofton); 11 Frances Wood 78 
(b. 17 Jan., 1828, m. Charles Henry French of 
Andover, Mafs.); (12) Emily Matilda 79 (b. 10 Nov., 
1 83 1, m. Daniel Dawes of Brooklyn, N. Y.) 

Mary, 67 b. 28 Sept., 1785 (d. 16 Oct., 1822,' *?/. 2,7-) 
30 Dec, 1 81 2, m. (as his fecond wife) Rev Elijah 
Dexter of Plympton [fixth child of Dea. Elijah, 
of Rochefter, Mafs., who was fourth child of 
Dea. Seth, who was eleventh child of Benjamin, 
who was feventh child of William, who was al- 
moft certainly a fon of " Farmer " Thomas, of 
Lynn and Sandwich.] They had four children ; 
viz.: (1) Nathaniel Morton 80 (b. 28 Sept., 1814, d. 
18 Sept., 1838, cet. 24); (2) Elijah 81 (b. 31 Aug., 
1 816, d. 1 Sept., 1816); (3) David Brainerd 82 (b. 
18 Oct., 181 7, d. fame day); (4) Henry Martyn, 83 
b. 13 Aug., 1 821; 19 Nov., 1844, m. Emeline, 
fecond dau. of Simeon Palmer of Bofton ; has had 
(1) Henry Morton, 84 b. 12 July, 1846; (2) Wini- 
fred 85 (b. 1 July, 1849, d. next day); (3) Liffie 
Clarendon 86 (b. 20 Aug., 1851, d. 31 Dec, 1861); 
(4) Mary Palmer 87 (b. 21 Nov., 1856, d. 29 Oct., 


Concerning not a few of thofe whofe names are here 
fet down, many worthy and honorable deeds in Church 
and State might be recorded ; as alfo of others known 
to be from the fame ftock, but of whofe point of contact 
with the family-tree I am not fure. 

It is greatly to be defired that fome competent perfon 
mould enrich the genealogical hiftories of New England 
with a complete and accurate record of the defcendants 
of " G. Mourt " on thefe fhores. 

H. M. D. 

Hillside, Roxbury, ( 
IS July, 1865. i 



Iournall of the beginning and proceedings 

of the Englifh Plantation fettled at ftimoth in New 

England, by certaine English Aduenturers both 
Merchants and others. 

With their difficult paffage, their fafe ariual, their 

ioyfull building of, and comfortable planting them- 

felues in the now well defended Towne 

of New Plimoth. 

feuerall difcoueries fince made by fome of the 

fame Englifh Planters there refident. 

I. In a iourney to Pvckanokick the habitation of the Indians grea- 
test King Maflafoyt : as alfo their meffage, the anfwer and entertainment 
they had of him. 

II. In a voyage made by ten of them to the Kingdome of Nawfet, to feeke 
a boy that had loft himfelfe in the woods : tvithfuch accidents as befell them 
in that voyage. 

III. In their ionrney to the Kingdome of Namafchet, in defence of their 
greateft King Maffafoyt, againft the Narrohiggonfets, and to reuenge the 
fuppofed death of their Interpreter Tifquantum. 

IIII Their voyage to the Maffachufets, and their entertainement there. 

With an anfwer to all fuch objections as are in any way made 

againft the lawfulneffe of Englifh plantations 

in thofe parts. 



Printed for Iohn Bellamie, and are to be fold at his fhop at the two 
Greyhounds in Cornhill neere the Royall Exchange. 1622. 


fpe&ed Friend, M r . /. P.* 

iOod Friend : As wee cannot but account it 
an extraordinary bleffing of God in direct- 
ing our courfe for thefe parts, after we came 
out of our natiue countrey, for that we had 
the happineffe to be poffeffed of the comforts we receiue 
by the benefit of one of the moft pleafant, moft healthfull, 
and moft fruitfull parts of the world: So muft wee ac- 
knowledge the fame bleffing to bee multiplied vpon our 
whole company, for that we obtained the honour to re- 
ceiue allowance and approbation of our free poffeffion, 
and enioying thereof vnder the authority of thofe thrice 
honoured Perfons, the Prejident and Counfell for the 
affaires of New-England, by whofe bounty and grace, in 
that behalfe, all of vs are tied to dedicate our beft feruice 
vnto them, as thofe under his Majeftie, that wee owe it 

a I. P. Hands for John Peirce, " Cit- That the initials R. G., appended by 

izen and Clothworker of London," way of fignature to this letter, were 

who had interefted himfelf to affift the mifprinted, feems to be made cer- 

Leyden men in coming over, and in tain by the fa6t that there was no 

whofe name their firft Patent was perfon then in the Plymouth colony 

taken. — [See Deane's Firjl Plym- who bore them except Richard Gar- 

outh Patent, 9.] diner, who was one of the humbler 

vnto: whofe noble endeuours in thefe their [iv] actions 
the God of heauen and earth multiply to his glory and 
their owne eternall comforts. 

As for this poore Relation, I pray you to accept 
it, as being writ by the feuerall Actors themfelues, 
after their plaine and rude manner; therefore doubt 

members of the party, and who, after 
a brief ftay, left to become a failor. — 
[Bradford, Hift. Plym. Plant, 454.] 
It is to the laft degree improbable 
that he mould have been feledted to 
introduce thefe Relations to the no- 
tice of the merchant adventurers. 

Affirming, therefore, an error, the 
moft probable rectification of it is 
found in the fuppofition that they 
mould have been " R. C," Handing 
for Robert Cuihman. In favor of 
fuch a reading and interpretation are 
to be confidered : (a) that, as a paf- 
fenger in the Fortune bearing the 
Ms. of the " Relation " to England, 
he would naturally have been felefted 
to introduce it to the notice of thofe 
likely to be interefted in it there, un- 
lefs fome fpecial reafon exifted to the 
contrary; (b) that, from his proved 
pofition as agent of the company 
and from his known culture, he was 
entitled to fpeak, as he does here, in 
a tone of semi-criticifm and depreca- 
tion of the plainnefs, and even rude- 
nefs, of the authors and their work. 
On the other hand, it may be fuggeft- 
ed, (a) that the author identifies him- 
felf by his language fome what more 
fully with the colonifts, as one of them 
in all their experiences, than would 

feem to be natural for one who had only 
been actually with them during the few 
weeks of the Fortune's ftay; (6) that 
he dates from Plimoth, as if fending 
from thence ; and (c) that his clofing 
paragraph feems to intimate a lefs de- 
gree of acquaintance with Mr. Peirce 
than would be quite confonant with 
the facts in the cafe, if Cuihman were 
the writer. 

But it is to be confidered that as 
Cuihman had come out expreflly to 
examine and report upon the proba- 
bilities of the fuccefs of the colony, 
the members of it would be moft anx- 
ious for that beft endorfement of it, 
which would confift in his own afiert- 
ed identification of himfelf with its 
fortunes, — which, indeed, he himfelf 
would feel to be moft eflential to its 
fuccefs ; and that, fo feeling, — the 
more efpecially as he had left his 
fon behind him there, — he would 
naturally be led both to write and to 
date as he did. While, as to the clof- 
ing paragraph, I interpret it not as inti- 
mating any lack of acquaintance with 
Mr. Peirce, but as aflerting that the 
main recommendation which Cuihman 
had to the " further confideration" of 
the merchant adventurers for the col- 
ony which he reprefented, was in the 

nothing of the truth thereof: if it be defectiue in any 
thing, it is their ignorance, that are better acquainted 
with planting then writing. If it fatisfie thofe that are 
well affected to the bufineffe, it is all I care for. Sure I 

encouragement of its final fuccefs 
which was held out by the familiar 
facts recorded in thefe pages, now of- 
fered to the public notice. 

It feems to be, therefore, as well 
fettled as any fuch queftion can be, 
that Robert Cufhman muft have been 
the author of this introductory mat- 
ter, as he was of the concluding 
" Reafons and Confiderations, &c." — 
[See pp. I43-I54-] 

The firft appearance of Cufhman 
upon the hiftories of the time is 
in the Leyden records, where — de- 
fcribed as a woolcarder from Can- 
terbury, and as having had a for- 
mer wife named Sarah — he is fet 
down, j 3 June, 1 617, as marrying Mary 
Singleton [Chingleton ?] of Sand- 
wich, widow of Thomas. Soon after, 
he was fent to England with John 
Carver to open negotiations toward a 
fettlement in North America. He 
feems to have returned to Leyden in 
November of the fame year, and to 
have gone back to London on the 
fame million in the following Decem- 
ber. Failing in thefe efforts, the 
Leyden church fent him again, with 
Brewfter, in 16 19 ; and, having formed 
an affociation, or joint-ftock company, 
in England, which was to furnifh the 
money for the enterprife, thofe en- 
voys went back to Leyden to arrange 
the preliminaries. Carver and Cufh- 
man were fent once more to England 

to provide for the voyage. When the 
Speedwell arrived at Southampton, 
Cufhman, with the Mayflower, was 
in waiting for them, and failed as 
"affiftant governor" in her, but went 
back in the Speedwell, when fhe 
was finally condemned and returned, 
" his hart & courage " having gone 
before. He came over in the Fortune, 
with his fon (fee note 431, No. 9), 
probably as an agent of the adventu- 
rers to examine and report the con- 
dition of the colony. While here, — 
though not even an elder of the 
church, — he preached the famous 
fermon on " Self-Love,'' which has 
been many times reprinted ; and next 
day failed for England again in the 
fame little fliip, leaving his fon in care 
of Gov. Bradford; was captured by 
the French ; releafed, and reached 
London *' Feb., 16**. 

He evidently carried with him the 
Ms. of thefe " Relations," and ap- 
pended to them, when George Mor- 
ton procured their publication, a dif- 
fertation, intended to perfuade good 
men to become colonifts. He never 
revifited this country, but acted as 
the agent for the Pilgrims in London 
until his death, which occurred not 
far from the beginning of 1625. His 
fon perpetuated his name in this coun- 
try. — [Leyden Ms. Rec.j Cujhman 
Genealogy, 14-77 ; Bradford, Hijl- 
Plym. Plant., 70-74.] 

am the place we are in, and the hopes that are apparent, 
cannot but fuffice any that will not defire more then 
enough, neither is there want of ought among vs but 
company to enjoy the bleffings fo plentifully beftowed 
upon the inhabitants that are here. While I was a writing 
this, I had almoft forgot, that I had but the recommenda- 
tion of the relation it felfe, to your further confideration, 
and therefore I will end without faying more, faue that I 
(hall alwaies reft 

From P LI MOTH in 

Yours in the way of 
friendfhip, R. G. [v] 


To the Reader. 

Ourteous Reader, be intreated to make a fauorable 
conflruflion of my forwardnes, in publijhing 
thefe infeuing difcourfes, the dejire of carrying 
the Gofpell of Chrifl into thofe forraigne parts, amongfl 
thofe people that as yet haue had no knowledge, nor tafl of 
God, as alfo to procure vnto themfelues and others a quiet 
and comfortable habytation : weare amongfl other things 
the inducements {vnto thefe vndertakers of the then hopefull, 
and now experimentally knowne good enterprice for plan- 
tation, in New England, to fet afoote and profecute the 
fame & though it fared with them, as it is common to 
the mofl aclions of this nature, that the firfl attemps proue 
difficult, as the fequell more at large expreffeth, yet it hath 
pleafed God, eue beyond our expectation in fo fhort a time, 
to giue hope of letting fome of them fee (though fome he 
hath taken out of this vale of teares) fome grounds of hope, 
of the accomplifliment of both thofe endes by them, at firfl 

And as myfelfe then much defired, and fliort- [vi] ly 
hope to effecl, if the Lord will, the putting to of my fhoulder 
iu this hopefull bufinefs, and in the meane time, thefe re- 
lations comming to my hand from my both known & 

To the Reader. 

faithful friends, on whofe writings I do much rely, I 
thought it not a miffe to make them more generally hoping of 
a cheerefull proceeding, both of Aduenturers and planters, 
intreating that the exawple of the hon : Virginia and Ber- 
mudas Companies, incountering with fo many diflaflers, 
and that for diuers yeares together, with an vnwearied 
refolution, the good effects whereof are now eminent, may 
preuaile as a fpurre of preparation alfo touching this no 
leffe hopefull Country though yet an infant, the extent & 
comodities whereof are as yet not fully known, after time 
wil vnfould more : fuch as defire to take knowledge of things, 
may in forme themfelues by this infuing treatife, and if 
they pleafe alfo by fuch as haue bin there a firfl and fecond 
time}' my harty prayer to God is that the euent of this 
and all other honorable and honefl vndertakings, may be 
for the furtherance of the kingdome of Chrifl, the inlarg- 
ing of the bounds of our Soueraigne Lord King lames, 
& the good and profit of thofe, who either by purfe, or per- 
fon, or both, are agents in the fame, fo I take leaue and reft 

Thy friend, G. Movrt. c 


b Capt. John Smith had been there, firft and only vifit, in the Fortune, 

as had Clark and Coppin, matter's c The probabilities that this was 

mates of the Mayflower, more than the fignature of George Morton have 

once ; while Cufhman had juft re- been fully difcufled in the Introduc- 

turned from his voyage thither for a tion. See page xviii. 



in a Letter written by a difcreete friend d vn- 

to the Planters in New England, at their firft fetting 

faile from Southhampton, who earnejily dejireth 

the profperitie of that their new 


# # 


Ouing and Chriftian friends, I doe heartily 
and in the Lord falute you all, as being 
they with whom I am prefent in my beft af- 
fection, and moft earneft longings after you, 
though I be conftrained for a while to be 
bodily abfent from you, e I fay conftrained, God knowing 
how willingly and much rather then otherwife I would 
haue haue borne my part with you in this firft brunt, 
were I not by ftrong neceffitie held backe for the prefent. 
Make account of me in the meane while, as of a man 

d This letter of John Robinfon's is written in the latter part of July, 
given in Bradford \Hift. Plym. Plant., 1 620. 

pp. 64-67], and alfo in Morton [N. e Bradford has a period here ; Mor- 
is. Mem., 6-9]. It was probably ton a colon. 
f xli 

A Letter of aduice 

deuided in my felfe with great paine, and as (naturall 
bonds fet afide) hauing my better part with you. And 
though I doubt not but in your godly wifedomes you 
both forefee and refolue vpon that which concerneth 
your prefent [viii] ftate and condition both feuerally and 
ioyntly, yet haue I thought f but my dutie to adde fome 
further fpurre of prouocation vnto them who run already, 
if not becaufe you need it, yet becaufe I owe it in loue 
and dutie. 

And firft, as we are daily to renew our repentance with 
our God, fpeciall 6 for our finnes knowne, and generall for 
our vnknowne trefpaffes ; fo doth the Lord call vs in a 
Angular maner vpon occasions of fuch difficultie and 
danger as lieth vpon you, to a both more narrow fearch 
and carefull reformation of our h wayes in his fight, left he 
calling to remembrance our finnes forgotten by vs or vn- 
repented of, take aduantage againft vs, and in iudgement 
leaue vs for the fame to be fwallowed vp in one danger 
or other ; whereas on the contrary, fin being taken away 
by earneft repentance and the pardon thereof from the 
Lord, fealed vp vnto a mans confcience by his Spirit, 
great fhall be his fecuritie and peace in all dangers, 
fweete his comforts in all diftreffes, with happie deliuer- 
ance from all euill, whether in life or in death. 

f Bradford and Morton both add " efpecially." 
" it." h Bradford and Morton both read 

g Bradford and Morton both read " your." 


to the Planters of New-England. 

Now next after this heauenly peace with God and our 
owne confciences, we are carefully to prouide for peace 
with all men what in vs lieth, efpecially with our affoci- 
ciates, and for that end' watchfulnes muft be had, that we 
neither at all in our felues do giue, no nor eafily take 
offence being giuen by others. Woe be vnto the world 
for offences, for though it be neceffary (confidering the 
malice of Satan and mans corruption) that offences come, 
yet woe vnto the man or woman either by whom [ix] 
the offence cometh, faith Chrift, Math. 18. 7. And if 
offences in the vnfeafonable vfe of things in themfelues 
indifferent, be more to be feared then death it felfe, as the 
Apoftle teacheth, 1. Cor. 9. 15. how much more in things 
fimply euill, in which neither honour of God nor loue of 
man is thought worthy to be regarded. 

Neither yet is it fufficient that we keep our felues by 
the grace of God from giuing offence, except withall we 
be armed againft the taking of them when they are 3 
giuen by others. k For how vnperfect and lame is . the 
worke of grace in that perfon, who wants charitie to 
couer a multitude of offences, as the Scriptures fpeake. 
Neither are you to be exhorted to this grace onely vpon 
the common grounds of Chriftianitie, which are, that per- 
fons ready to take offence, either want charitie to couer 
offences, or wifedome duly to weigh humane frailtie ; or 

i Bradford and Morton both omit i Bradford has " be." 
" end." k Morton has a colon here. 


A Letter of aduice 

laftly are groffe, though clofe hypocrites, as Chrift our 
Lord teacheth, Math. 7. 1, 2, 3. as indeed in mine owne 
experience, few or none haue beene found which fooner 
giue offence, then fuch as eafily take it; neither haue 
they euer proued found and profitable members in focie- 
ties, which haue nourifhed in themfelues that touchey 
humour. 1 But befides thefe there are diuers fpetiall™ mo- 
tiues prouoking you aboue others to great care and con- 
fcience this way: As firft, you are many of you ftrangers, 
as to the perfons, fo to the infirmities one of another, and 
fo ftand in need of more watchfulneffe this way, left when 
fuch things fall out in men and women as you fufpected 
not, you be inordinately af- [x] fected with them ; which 
doth require at your hands much wifedome and charitie 
for the couering and preuenting of incident offences that 
way. And laftly your intended courfe of ciuill commu- 
nitie" wil minifter continuall occafion of offence, and will 
be as fuell for that fire, except you diligently quench it 
with brotherly forbearance. And if taking of offence 
cauflefly or eafily at mens doings be fo carefully to be 
auoided, how much more heed is to be taken that we 
take not offence at God himfelfe, which yet we certainly 

1 Bradford reads, " which have than as an intimation that the Pil- 

nurifhed this touchey humor ; " Mor- grims left Holland with the full in- 

ton, " who have nourifhed this touchy tention of eftablifhing here a popular 

humour." civil government ; with the good will, 

m Bradford and Morton both omit if not at the prompting, of their noble 

"fpetiall." pallor. And the "laftly" claufe of 

n I cannot interpret this otherwife this letter confirms this view. 


to the Planters of New-England. 

do fo oft as we do murmure at his prouidence in our 
croffes, or beare impatiently fuch afflictions as wherewith 
he pleafeth to vifit vs. Store we p vp therefore patience 
againft the euill day, without which we take offence at 
the Lord himfelfe in his holy and iuft works. 

A fourth thing there is carefully to be prouided for, to 
wit, that with your common emploiments you ioyne com- 
mon affections truly bent vpon the generall good, auoid- 
ing as a deadly plague of your both common and fpeciall 
comfort all retiredneffe of minde for proper aduantage, 
and all Angularly affected any maner of way ; let euery 
man repreffe in himfelfe and the whole bodie in each 
perfon, as fo many rebels againft the common good, all 
priuate refpects of mens felues, not forting with the gen- 
erall conueniencie. And as men are carefull not to haue 
a new houfe fhaken with any violence before it be well 
fettled and the parts firmly knit: q fo be you, I befeech 
you brethren, much more carefull, that the houfe of God 
which you are and are [xi] to be, be not fhaken with 
vnneceffary nouelties or other oppofitions at the firft 
fettling thereof. 

Laftly, whereas you are to r become a body politik, 
vfing amongft your felues ciuill gouernment, and are not 
furnifhed with any perfons of fpeciall eminencie aboue 

° Bradford has " ofte " (often). i Bradford has a comma, 

p Bradford and Morton both omit r Bradford omits " to." 


A Letter of aduice 

the reft, to be chofen by you into office of gouernment : s 
Let your wifedome and godlineffe appeare, not onely in 
chufing fuch perfons as do entirely loue, and will dili- 
gently promote the common good, but alfo in yeelding 
vnto them all due honour and obedience in their lawfull 
adminiftrations ; not beholding in them the ordinarineffe 
of their perfons, but God's ordinance for your good ; ' nor 
being like vnto the foolifh multitude, 11 who more honour 
the gay coate, then either the vertuous mind of the man, 
or glorious ordinance of the Lord. But you know bet- 
ter things, and that the image of the Lords power and 
authoritie which the Magiftrate beareth, is honorable, in 
how meane perfons foeuer. And this dutie you both 
may the more willingly, and ought the more confciona- 
bly to performe, becaufe you are at leaft for the prefent 
to haue onely them for your ordinary gouernours, which 
your felues fhall make choife of for that worke. v 

Sundrie other things of importance I could put you in 
mind of, and of thofe before mentioned in more words, 
but I will not fo far wrong your godly minds, as to thinke 
you heedleffe of thefe things, there being alfo diuers 
among you fo well able to admonifh both themfelues and 
others of what concerneth them. Thefe few things there- 
fore, and [xii] the fame in few words I do earneftly com- 

= Bradford has a comma ; Morton '- Bradford and Morton botn have 
a femicolon. it, " not being like the foolifh multi- 

' Bradford has a comma ; Morton tude." 
a colon. v See note 28 pojl. 


to the Planters of New-England. 

mend vnto your care and confcience, ioyning therewith 
my daily inceffant prayers vnto the Lord, that he who 
hath made the heauens and the earth, the fea and all 
riuers of waters, and whofe prouidence is ouer all his 
workes, especially ouer all his deare children for good, 
would fo guide and guard you in your wayes, as inwardly 
by his Spirit, fo outwardly by the hand of his power, as 
that both you and we alfo, for and with you, may haue 
after matter of praifing his Name all the days of your 
and our liues. Fare you well in him in whom you truft, 
and in whom I reft 

An vnfained well-wilier 
of your happie fucceffe 
in this hopefull voyage, 

I. R. 




Plantation fetled at Tlimolh in 

New England. 1 

Ednefday the fixt of September, 
the Wind comming Eaft North 
Eaft, 2 a fine fmall gale, we loofed 
from Plimoth, hauing beene 
kindly intertained and curteouf- 
ly vfed by diuers friends there 
dwelling, and' after many diffi- 
culties in boyfterous ftormes, at 
length by Gods prouidence vpon the ninth of Nouem- 

1 Leaving Leyden in the latter part 
of July, 1620, the Pilgrims had arrived 
in the Speedwell at Southampton, 
Eng., and there met the Mayflower ; 
failed thence on Saturday, t s Aug.; 
put back into Dartmouth on account 
of the alleged leakage of the Speed- 
well, about Sunday, ^ Aug. ; failed 
again about Wednefday, ^seSf'; but, 
after they were one hundred leagues 
from Land's End, put back once more 
on account of the afferted condition 

of the Speedwell, — this time into 
Plymouth, where fhe was difmiffed, a 
portion of the company fent back in 
her to London, and the remainder — 
102 perfons — failed in the Mayflower 
on Wednefday, x 6 6 Sept. 

2 Eaft north eaft was the faireft 
poffible wind for leaving Plymouth, 
as the direft courfe down the Sound 
to the Channel, and thence toward 
the open fea, would not be far from 
S. W. by S. and W. S. W. 



ber 3 following, by breake of the day we efpied land which 
we deemed to be Cape Cod, and fo afterward it proued. 
And the appearance of it much comforted vs, efpecially, 
feeing fo goodly a Land, and woodded to the brinke of 
the fea, 4 it caufed vs to reioyce together, and praife God 
that had giuen vs once againe to fee land. And thus wee 
made our courfe South South Weft, 5 purpofing to goe to 
a Riuer ten leagues [ 2 ] to the South of the Cape, 6 but 
at night the winde being contrary, 7 we put round againe 

3 Thurfday, ' Nov. 

4 The reader who is familiar with 
the defolate afpect of the Cape at the 
prefent time, muft throw himfelf back 
in imagination to the time when a 
comely if not luxuriant growth of trees 
and foreft vegetation relieved that 
defolation, in order to underftand the 
feelings here expreffed. 

s Bradford fays, "they tacked aboute 
and refolved to ftande for y e fouth- 
ward (ye wind & weather being faire) 
to finde fome place aboute Hudfons 
river for their habitation." — {Hiftory 
of Plymouth Plantation, 77.] Even 
with the greateft poffible offing when 
they made land, they could hardly 
have fleered long in a S. S.W. courfe, 
as it would have brought them directly 
on to the cape. An error of the prefs 
for fouth-fouth-^iz/? is not improbable. 

6 Their ideas of the relative pofi- 
tions of moft points on the New Eng- 
land fhore were then of the vagueft. 

7 Bradford fays, "After they had 
failed y* courfe aboute halfe ye day, 
they fell amongft deangerous moulds 

and roring breakers, and they were fo 
farr intangled ther with as they con- 
ceived them felves in great danger ; & 
y e wind fhrinking upon them withall, 
they refolved to bear up againe for the 
Cape, and thought them felves hapy to 
gett out of thofe dangers before night 
overtooke them, as by God's Provi- 
dence they did."— \Hift. Plym. Plant. 
77.] Dr. Palfrey fuggefts \Hift. N. 
E., i. 162] that thefe "moulds" might 
be thofe of Monomoy, near Chatham, 
or Nantucket Shoals. Dr. Young 
took the fame view \Chron. of Plym. 
103]. But Mr. Amos Otis and Prof. 
Agaffiz have made it much more prob- 
able \_N. E. Hijt. and Gen. Reg. xviii. 
42-44] that they were thofe around 
what Gofnold named Point Care and 
Tucker's Terror [fee Archer's Account 
of Gofnold 's Voyage, 3 Mafs. Hift. 
Col., viii. 74], off Eaftham and Orleans ; 
fince obliterated by the action of the 
fea. The map of New England in 
Ogilby's huge folio lays down " Ifle 
Naufet" in the precife fpot affigned 
by Mr. Otis. 


for the Bay of Cape Cod: and vpon the u. of Nouem- 
6er, s we came to an anchor in the Bay, 9 which is a good 
harbour and pleafant Bay, circled round, except in the 
entrance, which is about foure miles ouer from land to 
land, 10 compaffed about to the very Sea with Okes, Pines, 
Iuniper, Saffafras, and other fweet wood ; it is a harbour 
wherein iooo. faile of Ships may fafely ride, 11 there we 
relieued our felues with wood and water, and refrefhed 
our people, while our fhallop was fitted to coaft the Bay, 
to fearch for an habitation : there was the greateft ftore 
of fowle 12 that euer we faw. 

And euery day we faw Whales I3 playing hard by vs, of 

8 Saturday, " Nov. 

9 Provincetown harbor. 

10 As the inner fhore of the Cape 
trends away S. E. by S., the diftance 
acrofs the entrance varies, according 
to the angle at which it is taken, from 
2^- miles, which is the neareft line 
from Long Point light to the Eaft- 
harbor fhore, to 5^ miles, from the 
fame light to the opening of Pamet 
River, in Truro. 

11 The changes of near two centu- 
ries and a half have not abridged this 
capacity. Freeman fays [Hi/lory of 
Cape Cod, ii. 619], "the harbor is fuf- 
ficiently capacious for 3000 veffels, 
and is a haven of the greateft impor- 
tance to navigation, whether as re- 
fpefts veffels doing bufinefs in the 
neighboring waters, or fhips from for- 
eign voyages arriving on the coaft 
in thick and ftormy weather.' 

* 2 " Sea-fowl are plenty on the mores 
and in the bay ; particularly the gan- 
net, curlew, brant, black-duck, fea- 
duck, old wife, dipper, fheldrake, pen- 
guin, gull, plover, coot, widgeon, 
and peep." — [1 Mafs. Hijl. Col., iii. 

13 Douglafs fays of the whales, 
" Formerly they fet in along fhore by 
Cape Cod" [Summary, &c, i. 60]. 
So he elfewhere adds, " Former- 
ly (they are paffengers according to 
the feafons), in New England, Cape 
Cod embayed them " [Ibid. i. 296] ; 
and Freeman fays, " The mores of the 
Cape were, within the remembrance 
of perfons now living, ftrewed in places 
with huge bones of whales, thefe re- 
maining unwafted many years. Fifty 
years back, rib-bones fet for pofts 
in fencing was no unufual fight." — 
[Hijl. Cape Cod, ii. 623.] 



which in" that place, if we had inftruments & meanes to 
take them, we might haue made a very rich returne, 
which to our great griefe we wanted. Our mafter and 
his mate, and others experienced in fifhing, profeffed, we 
might haue made three or foure thoufand pounds worth 
of Oyle ; they preferred it before Greenland Whale-fiih- 
ing, & purpofe the next winter to fifh for Whale here ; 
for Cod we affayed, but found none, there is good ftore 
no doubt in their feafon. 14 Neither got we any fifh all 
the time we lay there, but fome few little ones on the 
fhore. We found great Mufsles, 13 and very fat and full of 

■4 It is not likely that they fiftied 
outfide of the harbor; nor would they 
have caught cod, even there, at that 
time of the year. They probably took 
only the fmall " bar-fifh,'' as they are 
now called, which are caught in the 
eaft end of the harbor. 

js Dr. Freeman and Dr. Young fup- 
pofed that the giant clam, or fea-hen, 
(matlra folidijjima) is here referred 
to. But Capt. Smith — whofe De- 
fcription of New England, published 
in 1616, muft have been in the hands 
of the Mayflower men, and their chief 
authority and guide — fpeaks of clams 
(clampes) as found, with lobfters, in 
almoft all the fandy bays ; fo that they 
would moft likely have known that 
fifh by that name. Muffels (mytilus 
edulis) they were familiar with at 
home ; and as thefe are found in 
abundance about low-water mark in 
Long Point, near their anchorage, 
while the giant clam is only found on 

the bars at the eaft end of Province- 
town, and along the Truro fhore, and 
is acceffible only at the loweft tides, 
and would feem, therefore, to have 
been fo much more removed from 
their ready difcovery, it is perhaps 
moft probable that muffels, of a fize 
to them unfamiliar, ■ — probably the 
mytilus modiolus, — were what they 
meant. The hearty eating of thefe, 
after fixty-four days of fait provender, 
might produce the defcribed effedts 
upon their fyftems ; indeed, under 
any circumftances, at certain feafons, 
fuch refults might follow. " There 
can be no doubt of the poifonous 
qualities of fhellfifh, particularly muf- 
fels and clams, at certain feafons.'' — 
[Dr. Benj. Hafkell, of Rockport, in 
Appendix to Muffey's Health, its 
Friends and its Foes, p. 369.] The 
mention of " pearls " — which are 
plentifully found in muffels, but not in 
clams — confirms this view. 


Sea pearle, but we could not eat them, for they made vs 
all ficke that did eat, as well faylers as paffengers ; they 
caufed to caft and fcoure, but they were foone well againe. 
The bay is fo round & circling, that before we could come 
to anchor, we went round all the points of the Compaffe. 
We could not come neere the more by three quarters of 
an Englifh mile, becaufe of fhallow water, 16 which was a 
great preiudice to vs, for our people going on fhore were 
forced to wade a bow fhoot or two in going a-land, 
which caufed many to get colds and coughs, for it was 
ny times freezing cold weather. 

This day before we came to harbour, obferuing fome 
not well affected to vnitie and concord, but gaue fome 
appearance of faclion, 17 it was thought good there mould 

16 "As there are flats extending fome them in ye fhip, That when they came 

diftance from the fettlement, veffels a ihore they would ufe their owne lib- 

ufually anchor about three fourths of ertie ; for none had power to com- 

a mile from the more." — [Freeman, mand them, the patente they had 

Hi/l. Cape Cod, ii. 619.J The Prov- being for Virginia, and not for New- 

incetown more is what is referred to. england, which belonged to an other 

It will be feen further along that the Government, with which y e Virginia 

Mayflower anchored in deep water Company had nothing to doe. And 

within a furlong of Long Point. partly that much an afte by them 

'7 Says Bradford, " I fhall a litle done (this their condition confidered) 

returne backe and begine with a com- might be as firme as any patent, and 

bination made by them before they in fome refpefts more hire." — \Hift. 

came afhore, being ye firft foundation Plym. Plcmt., 89.] Morton fays, " It 

of their govermente in this place ; oc- was thought meet for their more or- 

cafioned partly by y e difcontented & derly carrying on of their Affairs, and 

mutinous fpeeches that fome of the accordingly by mutual confent they 

ftrangers amongft them [i. e. not Ley- entred into a folemn Combination as 

den men, but adventurers who joined a Body Politick, To fubmit to fuch 

them in England] had let fall from Government and Governours, Laws 


be an affociation and agreement, that we fhould combine 
together [ 3 ] in one body, and to fubmit to fuch govern- 
ment and governours, as we fhould by common confent 
agree to make and chofe, and fet our hands to this that 
followes word for word. 

IN the name of God, Amen. We whofe names are 
vnderwritten, the loyall Subiedls of our dread fover- 
aigne Lord King Iames, by the grace of God of Great 
Britaine, France, and Ireland King, Defender of the 
Faith, &c. 

Having vnder-taken for the glory of God, and advance- 
ment of the Chriftian Faith, and lS honour of our King 
and Countrey, a Voyage to plant the firft Colony in the 
Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by thefe prefents 
folemnly & mutually in the prefence of God and one of I9 
another, covenant, and combine our felues together into 
a civill body politike, for our better ordering and prefer- 
vation, and furtherance of the ends aforefaid;. and by 
vertue hereof to 20 enact, conftitute, and frame fuch iuft 
and equall Lawes, Ordinances, acts, conftitutions, 2I offices 
from time to time, as fhall be thought moft meet and 
convenient for the generall good of the Colony: vnto 

and Ordinances, as mould by a gen- 19 Morton leaves out " of." 

eral Confent from time to time be 2 ° Morton has " do" inftead of "to;" 

made choice of, and affented unto." evidently an error of the prefs. 

— \N. E. Memorial, ill ed., p. 14.] 21 Bradford \Hift. Pfym. Plant., 90] 

18 Morton inferts "the." — [N. E. and Morton both infert "and" here; 

Memorial, p. 15.] but Morton mifprints "officers." 



which we promife all due fubmiffion and obedience. In 
witneffe whereof we haue here-vnder 22 fubfcribed our 
names, 23 Cape Cod 24 n. of November, in the yeare of 25 
the raigne of our foveraigne Lord King Iames, of 
England, France, and Ireland 2<b 18. and of Scotland 54. 
Anno Domino 1620. 27 

2 3 Morton fays, " hereunto." 

=3 Bradford and Morton both here 
infert " at." 

2 4 Bradford and Morton both infert 

2 5 Morton leaves out the words 
"the yeare of." 

26 Bradford and Morton both here 
infert " the," and again before " 54 ; " 
and read " 18th " and " 54th." 

=7 The names of the figners of this 
moft interefting and fignificant docu- 
ment were firft printed by Nathaniel 
Morton, in 1 669, in the New-England 
Memorial. As corrected by Prince, 
and illuftrated by Bradford in the Ap- 
pendix to his Hiftory, they Hand as 
follows, with the number reprefented 
by each, and the names of their fam- 
ilies : viz., — 

1. John Carver (8). 

Catherine, his wife. 
Defire Minter. 
John Howland, } men- 
Roger Wilder, \ fervants. 
William Latham, > , 
Jafper More, \ ° yS ' 
A maid-fervant. 

2. William Bradford (2). 

Dorothy, his wife. 


' [■ boys. 

Edward Winflow (5). 

Elizabeth, his wife. 

George Soule, \ men- 

Elias Story, ) fervants. 

Ellen More. 
William Brewfter (6). 

Mary, his wife. 



Richard More, 


Ifaac Allerton (6). 

Mary, his wife. 


Mary, ) 

John Hooke, boy. 

Miles Standifh (2). 
Rofe, his wife. 

John Alden (1). 

Samuel Fuller (1). [His fervant, 
William Butten, had d. at fea.] 

Chriftopher Martin (4). 

, his wife. 

Solomon Prower, "> men- 
John Langemore, ) fervants. 

William Mullins (5). 
, his wife. 

Bartholomew, ' 
Remember, \- children. 

> children. 


Prifcilla, . 

Robert Carter, fervant. 




The fame day fo foon as we could we fet a-fhore 15. 
or 16. men, well armed, with fome to fetch wood, for we 

11. William White (5). 

Sufanna, his wife. 
Refolved, fon. 
William Holbeck, ) men- 
Edward Thomfon, ) fervants. 

12. Richard Warren (1). 

13. John Howland. [Of John Car- 

ver's family above.] 

14. Stephen Hopkins (8). 

Elizabeth, his wife. 
Giles, \ 

Conftance, ( chil- 

Damaris, [ dren. 

Oceanus, b. at fea. J 
Edward Doten, ) men- 
Edward Leifter, > fervants. 

15. Edward Tilley (4). 

Ann, his wife. 

Henry Samfon, ) children in 

Humility Cooper, i their care. 

16. John Tilley (3). 

, his wife. 

Elizabeth, daughter. 

17. Francis Cook (2). 

John, his fon. 

18. Thomas Rogers (2). 

Jofeph, his fon. 

19. Thomas Tinker (3). 

, his wife. 

, fon. 

20. John Ridgdale (2). 

Alice, his wife. 

21. Edward Fuller (3). 

Ann, his wife. 
Samuel, fon. 

22. John Turner (3). 



23. Francis Eaton (3). 

Sarah, his wife. 
Samuel, fon. 

24. James Chilton (3). 

, his wife. 

Mary, daughter. 

25. John Crackftone (2). 

John, his fon. 

26. John Billington (4). 

Ellen, his wife. 

J ° hn \ lions. 
Francis, ) 

27. Mofes Fletcher (1). 

28. John Goodman (1). 

29. Digory Prieft (1). 

30. Thomas Williams (1). 

31. Gilbert Winflow (1). 

32. Edmond Margefon (1). 

33. Peter Brown (1). 

34. Richard Britteridge (1). 

35. George Soule. [Of Ed. Winf- 

low's family above.] 

36. Richard Clark (1). 
yj. Richard Gardiner (1). 

38. John Allerton (1). 

39. Thomas Englifli (1). 

40. Edward Doten. [Of Stephen 

Hopkins's family above.] 

41. Edward Leifter. [Do.] 

This lift of Morton's adds up to 
forty-one figners; who, according to 
Bradford's lift, at this date, reprefented 
exactly one hundred perfons. Brad- 
ford adds \HiJt. Plym. Plant, 450], 
" There were allfo other 2 feamen 
hired to ftay a year here in the coun- 
try, — William Trevore, and one Ely. 



had none left; 28 as alfo to fee what the Land was, and 
what Inhabitants they could meet with, they found it 29 

But when their time was out they both 
returned." As they were thus to be 
merely temporary refidents, they were 
not probably requefted to fign the 
compaft, which looked forward toward 
fome permanent government here. 

It will be noticed that while one of 
Carver's men-fervants, one of Winf- 
low's, and both of Hopkins's, affixed 
their names to this paper ; the other 
fervant of Carver (Roger Wilder), the 
other of Winflow (Elias Story), with 
the two of Chriftopher Martin (Solo- 
mon Prower and John Langemore), 
the two of- William White (William 
Holbeck and Edward Thomfon), and 
that of William Mullins (Robert Car- 
ter), — feven in all, — did not fign it. 
Some have conjectured that the names 
of all the adult male members of the 
company not found there Ihould be 
added to Morton's lift ; but as keeper 
— in his official capacity — of the pub- 
lic records, from 1645 to 1685, there 
is a ftrong probability that the Secre- 
tary had in his pofleflion, and copied 
from, the original compact with its 
actual fignatures, — a document which, 
from the nature of the cafe, they would 
have taken pains to preferve. It is 
poffible that fuch of the fervants only 
as, on the one hand, fpecially deferved 
the honor, or, on the other, fpecially 
needed the reftraint, of becoming par- 
ties to fuch an agreement, were in- 
vited to fign it ; to the former of which 
claffes one might fancy John Howland 
to belong, and to the latter, Edward 

Doten and Edward Leifter. It is 
more probable — as Bradford fays 
{Hift. Pfym. Plant., 450-52] thefe 
feven all died foon — that they were 
ailing at this time, and fo out of the 
way at the figning. 

Counting the two hired feamen, the 
entire Mayflower company — as dif- 
tinct from her crew — confuted thus 
of one hundred and two perfons. 

=8 Prince [Annals, ed. 1736, p. 73] 
fays, referring to Bradford's authori- 
ty, they on the fame day " chufe Mr. 
John Carver, a pious and well ap- 
proved gentleman, their Governor for 
the firft year." But Bradford [Hift. 
Pfym. Plant., 90] fays, "After this 
they chofe, or rather confirmed, Mr. 
John Carver, &c," whom Morton ex- 
actly copies \N. E. Memorial, 16]. 
So that I do not find here any abfolute 
proof that the election of Carver took 
place on the fame day on which the 
compact was figned ; the more efpe- 
cially as Bradford immediately con- 
nects his ftatement, juft quoted, with 
fome particulars which did not take 
place until after the commencement 
of the fettlement at Plymouth. It is 
moft reafonable to fuppofe, however, 
— in the abfence of any evidence to 
the contrary, — that the election of 
fome perfon as chief magiftrate would 
immediately follow the formal recog- 
nition of a body corporate. 

2 9 Dr. Young endorfes Dr. Freeman 
[1 Mafs. Hift. Coll., viii. 206] in the 
judgment that this party landed on 




to be a fmall neck of Land ; on this fide where we lay 
is the Bay, and the further fide the Sea ; the ground or 
earth, fand hils, much like the Downes in Holland, but 
much better ; 3 ° the cruft of the earth a Spits depth, excel- 
lent blacke earth; 31 all wooded with Okes, Pines, Saffa- 
fras, Iuniper, Birch, Holly, Vines, fome Afh, Walnut; 32 

Long Point, and that their explora- 
tions were mainly confined to the 
neck which feparates Provincetown 
harbor from Cape Cod Bay. But it 
feems to me far from improbable that 
they landed not far from Stevens's 
Point, and that their explorations ex- 
tended acrofs the end of the Cape, be- 
tween Race Point and Wood End, fo 
that by the fea on " the further fide " 
they meant the Atlantic, and not 
" Barnftable Bay," as Dr. Freeman 
confidered. They ftarted, probably, 
early in the day, and were gone till 
night, fo that they had time to roam 
largely over that weftern half of Prov- 
incetown, the whole of which is only 
3j miles in extreme length, by an av- 
erage of not much over 2 in breadth ; 
the more efpecially as the wooded 
portion was clear of underbrufli, and 
fo "fit to goe or ride in." One object 
they had in view was to find inhabi- 
tants ; but one would think they muft 
have been well affured, by the view 
which they got of Long Point in fail- 
ing round it into harbor, whether 
there were inhabitants there or not. 

30 That portion of Holland with 
which the Pilgrims had become fa- 
miliar, fkirting the North Sea, abounds 

in fand dunes fimilar to thofe on the 
New-England coaft ; it being estimat- 
ed that they have an extent there of 
140.000 acres. — [Marfli's Man and 
Nature, p. 507.] 

3 1 "Spit-deep, as deep as the table 
of a fpade ; as much ground in depth 
as may be digged up at once with a 
fpade." — {Bailey, .] Where the trees 
and brufh have not been removed, or 
buried under the fand which every 
wind blows in from the beach, this 
"blacke earth," a dark vegetable 
mold, the collection of centuries, ftill 
remains. The change, from that day 
of fertility to the prefent extenfive bar- 
rennefs and defolation of the Cape, is 
primarily due to the removal of the 
trees. [See an eloquent, as well as 
profound, difcuffion of the fubjeft in 
Marfli's Man and Nature, fummed 
up, pp. 214-217.] 

32 That the Cape was formerly 
covered with large trees is proved, 
(1) from the fa£t that their flumps 
now occafionally appear, when the 
fuperincumbent fand is blown off by 
fome high wind ; (2) by the teftimony 
of the moft aged inhabitants, who well 
remember the vandalifm which cut 
them down for the purpofe of making 


the wood for the moft part open and without vnder-wood, 
fit either to goe or ride in : at night our people retur- 
[ 4 ] ned, but found not any perfon, nor habitation, and 
laded their Boat with Iuniper, which fmelled very fweet 
& ftrong, and of which we burnt the moft part of the 
time we lay there. 

Munday the 1 3. of November?* we vnfhipped our Shal- 
lop and drew her on land, to mend and repaire her, hav- 
ing bin forced to cut her downe in beftowing her betwixt 
the decks, and fhe was much opened with the peoples 

charcoal with which to boil down fea- 
water to fait ; (3) by the aftual pref- 
ence, in the eaft part of the village 
of Provincetown, of a few furviving 
reprefentatives of the old growth. 
Moft if not all of the growths men- 
tioned in this "Relation" are ftill 
found in Provincetown and its vicin- 
ity. Thofe here fpecified appear to 
be the following : viz., — 

Oaks (white), Quercus alba (now 
moft common), 
(red), Quercus rubra. 
(black), Quercus tincloria. 
Pine (pitch) Pinus rigida. 
Saffafras, Saffafras officinale. 
Juniper (red cedar), Juniperus Vir- 

Birch (white), Betula populifolia. 
Holly (evergreen), Ilex opaca. 
Afh (white), Fraxinus acuminata. 
Walnut (mockernut hickory), Carya 
tomentofa ; or (pig-nut hick- 
ory), Carya porcina. 
The vines were, probably the com- 

mon wild-grape ( Vitis labrufca), and 
perhaps the greenbrier (Smilax ro- 
tundifolia), Virginian creeper, (Am- 
pelopfis quinquefolia), hairy honey- 
fuckle (Lonicera hirfuta), and poifon 
ivy (Rhus toxicodendron). On what 
is called the " Ifland," about a mile 
weft of Eaft Harbor meadow, grape- 
vines ftill grow which bear a fmall, in- 
ferior grape, holding about the fame 
relation to the cultivated grape that the 
beach-plum has to the garden plum. 

Eighteen years before the Mayflower 
anchored here, Gofnold took on board, 
from this end of the Cape, for fire- 
wood, "cyprefs [juniper], birch, witch- 
hazel and beech." — {Archer's Hift., in 
3 Mafs. Hi/l. Coll., viii. 74.] In 1614, 
Captain John Smith faw Cape Cod 
as " a headland of high hills of fand, 
overgrown with fhrubby pines, hurts 
[whortleberry-bufhes] and fuch trafti." 
— \Defcription of New England, in 
3 Mafs. Hift. Coll., vi. 119.] 

33 Monday, ^| Nov. 




lying in her, 34 which kept vs long there, for it was 16. or 
17. dayes before the Carpenter had finifhed her; our 
people went on fhore to refrefh themfelues, and our 
women to wafli, as they had great need ; 3S but whileft we 

34 Bradford fays, " They having 
brought a large fhalop with them out 
of England, flowed in quarters in y e 
(hip, they now gott her out & fett 
their carpenters to worke to trime her 
up ; but being much brufed & fhat- 
ered in y e fliipe w th foule weather, 
they faw me would be longe in mend- 
ing-"— \HiJi. Plym. Plant, 80.] 

35 There are no fprings in Province- 
town, and, from the fact, mentioned 
farther on, that the firft exploring 
party drank their firft draught of New- 
England water at the fprings in Truro, 
it is clear that they had found no water 
which they efteemed drinkable in 
Provincetown. The frefh-water pond 
now neareft to the harbor is " Shank 
Painter," which is nearly half a mile 
from the prefent high-water mark, and 
which muft then have been concealed 
from view from the deck of the May- 
flower by the intervening foreft. 
Where, then, did the women find 
water for their need of wafhing ? 

The changes of a peculiarly change- 
able region must be had in mind in 
giving an anfwer. A careful ftudy of 
the topography of the locality has led 
to the conclufion that there was for- 
merly a frefh-water pond of confidera- 
ble fize, feparated from the fea by a 
narrow fand-beach, which pond has 
become wholly obliterated, — on the 

lower fide by the influx of the fea, and 
on the upper fide by the encroach- 
ments of the fand. It was fituated 
between the N. W. portion of High 
Hill and the prefent low-water mark, 
and muft have been at leaft a quarter 
of a mile in breadth by, fay, feven- 
eighths in length : including in its up- 
per half a fedtion of the town, fay from 
Union wharf on the S. W. to Cook's 
wharf on the eaft ; and in its lower 
half a confiderable fection of the pref- 
ent harbor, where veflels now, at full 
fea, come up between thefe wharves. 
The evidence in the cafe may be 
briefly ftated thus: — (1) there is a 
ftrip, low down on the fiats, laid bare by 
the daily ebb, which may be traced as 
prefumably the foundation of the nar- 
row beach, — the beach on which the 
women wafhed their clothes ; (2) frefh- 
water mud, with peat, roots, and other 
traces of fwamp growths, may frill be 
identified under the fuperincumbent 
falt-mud and fand within the embrace 
of the aforefaid ftrip, — the mud fome- 
times being preffed up to the furface 
through the fubfequent fand-layer, by 
the weight of veflels retting on the flats 
at low water ; (3) in digging wells and 
refervoirs in that portion of the village 
embraced within this area, there are 
found (a) fand, (6) falt-water mud, (c) 
a few inches of fand, (d) frefh-water 


lay thus ftill, hoping our Shallop would be ready in fiue 
or fixe dayes at the furtheft, but our Carpenter made 
flow worke of it, fo that fome of our people impatient of 
delay, defired for our better furtherance to travaile by 
Land into the Countrey, which was not without appear- 
ance of danger, not having the Shallop with them, nor 
meanes to carry provifion, but on their backes, to fee 
whether it might be fit for vs to feate in or no, and the 
rather becaufe as we fayled into the Harbour, there 
feemed to be a river opening it felfe into the maine 
land ; 36 the willingnes of the perfons was liked, but the 
thing it felfe, in regard of the danger was rather per- 
mitted then approved, and fo with cautions, directions, 
and inftruc~Hons, fixteene men were fet out with every man 
his Mufket, Sword, and Corflet, 37 vnder the conduct of 
Captaine Miles Standi/h?* vnto whom was adioyned for 

mud, peat, &c, with occafional (tumps 36 Pamet River, the mouth of which 

of trees, fometimes of confiderable fize. is diftant 5^ miles S. E. by E. from 

That this pond — thus demonftrated Long Point light, and which, in 1794, 

— exifted in 1620, and that its nar- was about 300 feet broad at the mouth, 

row feparating beach had not been and wider within. — [1 Mafs. Hift. 

fwept away in fome fearful Itorm Coll., iii. 196.] 

which let in the all-devouring ocean 37 The corfelet was a piece of de- 

before that time, is rendered nearly fenfive armor covering the breaft from 

certain by the obferved progrefs of the neck to the girdle ; in diftinclion 

the fea during the laft century ; and from the cuirafs, which added a back 

various weighty circumftances, for piece buckled on each fide to the 

which we can not make room here, corfelet. 

combine to produce the decided judg- 38 Miles Standi/h is fuppofed to 

ment that this progrefs of the ocean have been born at Duxbury Hall, near 

has been within the laft century and Chorley, in Lancafhire, fome twenty- 

a quarter. three miles N. E. from Liverpool, in 




counfell and advife, William Bradford,™ Stephen Hop- 
kins? and Edward Tilley? 1 - 

after the death of John Carver, and 
was governor every year until his 
death, except five ; died at Plymouth, 
' May, 1657, aged 67 years, 1 month, 
20 days. — [Hunter's Founders of New 
Plymouth, 99-116, 198-9; Savage, 
Gen. Dicl., i. 231; N. E. Hift. and 
Gen. Reg., iv. 45 ; Leyden Mfs. Rec. 

4° Stephen Hopkins had married 
and had two children (Giles and Con- 
ftance) ; loft his wife, and married again 
Elizabeth , and had daughter 

1584; ferved as a foldier in the Low 
Countries ; became interefted in the 
Pilgrims, and joined them, though not 
one of their church ; brought over 
only his wife Rofe, who died a month 
after the landing ; he next married 

Barbara , who is fuppofed to 

have come in the Ann, in 1623. He 
was conftantly engaged in the public 
fervice ; was Affiftant nineteen years ; 
went to London for the colony in 
1625, returning the following fpring. 
About 1 63 1 he fettled on "Captain's 
Hill," in Duxbury, on condition, at 
firft, of moving into Plymouth "in the 
winter time that they may the better 
repair to the worfhip of God ; " there 
he died, / Oct., 1656, aged 72. He 
named, in his will, four fons — Alex- 
ander, Miles, Jofiah, and Charles — 
and a deceafed daughter, Lora. — 
[Savage, Gen. Dill., iv. 162 ; Plym. 
Col. Rec, xii. 6 ; Winfor's Hift. Dux- 
bury, 320 ; N. E. Hift. and Gen. Reg., 
v. 335-338.] 

39 William Bradford was the fon 
of William and Alice (Hanfon) Brad- 
ford, and was born at Aufterfield, 
Eng., *' March, 15^. Early uniting 
himfelf with the Scrooby movement, 
he went to Holland with the church ; 
10 Dec'.> I ^ I 3> married, at Leyden, Dor- 
othy May, of " Witzbuts " (Wif- 
beach ?), Eng., who was drowned at 
Cape Cod, I Dec, 1620 ; next mar- 
ried, I* Aug., 1623, Alice (Carpenter) 
Southworth ; had John, William, Mer- 
cy, and Jofeph ; was chofen governor 

Damaris and fon Oceanus (born on 
the voyage), before the date of this 
mention. His fecond wife lived above 
twenty years at Plymouth, and they 
had another fon (Caleb) and four 
daughters (Deborah, Ruth, Elizabeth, 

). He was Affiftant, 1633-6, and 

died in the latter part of June or firft 
of July, 1644. — [Savage, Gen. Die!., ii. 
462 ; N. E. Hift. and Gen. Reg., iv. 

4 1 Edward Tilley came with his 
wife Ann and two children "that were 
their coflens, Henery Samfon and Hu- 
millity Coper." He was probably alfo 
elder brother of John, who brought 
over his wife, and daughter Elizabeth. 
All of both families died in the firft 
mortality, except Henry Samfon and 
Elizabeth Tilley ; the former of whom 
married Ann Plummer, and had nine 
children, the latter, John Howland 
(Carver's fervant), and had ten. — 
[Savage, Gen. Die!., iv. 302 ; Brad- 
ford's Plym. Plant., 449-453 ; Vin- 
ton's Giles Memorial, 374.] 




Wednefday the 15. of November? 2 they were fet a 
fhore, 43 and when they had ordered themfelues in the 
order of a fingle File, and marched about the fpace of a 
myle, by the Sea 44 they efpyed hue or fixe people, with a 
Dogge, comming towards them, who were Savages, who 
when they faw them ran into the Wood and whifled the 
Dogge after them, &c. Firft, they fuppofed them to be 
matter /ones, the Matter 45 and fome of his men, for they 
were a-fhore, and knew of their comming, but after they 
knew them to be Indians they mar- [ 5 ] ched after them 
into the Woods, 46 leaft other of the Indians fhould lie in 
Ambufh ; but when the Indians faw our men following 

42 Wednefday, * 5 Nov. 

43 From the facts, that they had, 
clearly, already landed at the pond 
on the Provincetown more ; that they 
more than once fpeak of having to 
wade three-fourths of a mile in land- 
ing, while the water feems to have 
been bold at Long Point ; and that 
for exploration they would naturally 
with to fave their ftrength from vainly 
traverfing the entire length of Long 
Point ; it feems evident that this party 
were fet on fhore fomewhere near the 
prefent fite of the village of Province- 
town, moft likely on the weftern end 
of the beach where the women warned 
their clothes, near Payne's Hill. 

44 They probably ftruck inland over 
Telegraph Hill, and fo back of Mill 
Hill along the high land fkirting the 
pond ; when they faw the Indians ap- 
proaching over the beach from the 

eaft. The "fpace of a myle" would 
have brought them nearly to the creft 
of High Hill. 

45 Matter Jones's firft name does not 
appear. Thacher \Hift. Plym., 48] 
fays that he came over again, Aug., 
1622, as mafter of the Difcovery ; but 
Bradford — who \Hift. Plym. Plant., 
68] calls the captain of the Mayflower 
" Mr. Joans," and refers to him four 
or five times afterward — fpeaks [Ibid. 
127] of the mafter of the Difcovery 
as " one Captaine Jons," without any 
hint that it was the fame man ; fo 
that I doubt if it were. 

46 The land around Duck Pond 
was, doubtlefs, then denfely wooded. 
I imagine that the Indians made for 
thofe woods, and then ran out of them 
around the north end of Great Pond 
over toward Negro Head, and fo to 
the eaft towards Truro. 




them, they ran away with might and mayne, and our men 
turned out of the Wood after them, for it was the way 
they intended to goe, 47 but they could not come neare 
them. They followed them that night about ten miles 48 
by the trace of their footings, and faw how they had come 
the fame way they went, 49 and at a turning perceived 
how they run vp an hill, s ° to fee whether they followed 
them. At length night came vpon them, and they were 
conftrained to take vp their lodging, fo they fet forth 
three Sentinells, and the reft, fome kindled a fire, and 
others fetched wood, and there held our Randevous that 
night. 51 In the morning 52 fo foone as we could fee the 
trace, we proceeded on our iourney, & had the tracke 

47 If, on the previous Saturday, the 
exploring party furveyed the weftern 
half of Provincetown, — as I have 
fuggefted, — it would be natural that 
they fhould now intend to furvey the 
eaftern ; which would lead them over 
between Dutch and Great ponds to 
the ocean fide, as they now went, after 
the Indians. 

48 It is fafe to judge that a man, be 
he Pilgrim or otherwife, who, with a 
heavy matchlock, fword, and corfelet, 
runs a half mile on Cape Cod, even 
in its beft eftate, will feel as if he had 
run a mile, and eftimate diftances ac- 
cordingly. This party, if they fol- 
lowed the Indians north between the 
ponds, and then eaft to the neighbor- 
hood of Stout's Creek, — making al- 
lowance for all their probable wind- 
ings, — muft have marched not far 

from feven miles before they en- 
camped for the night. 

49 That is, they inferred, from fee- 
ing the tracks which the Indians had 
made in coming as well as in going, 
that they were now returning toward 
their homes ; whence they had proba- 
bly been drawn by the infrequent 
fight of the fhip acrofs the bay. 

5° If my theory is correct that the 
party took this route, Negro Head — 
which is eighty-eight feet high, and 
which is near their "turning" around 
the end of Great Pond to go eaft — • 
feems likelieft to have been this hill. 

si Suppofed to be in the neighbor- 
hood of Stout's Creek, formerly a 
fmall branch of Eaft Harbor, in Tru- 
ro, — now extinct from the encroach- 
ments of the land. 

52 Thurfday, "£ Nov. 


vntill we had compaffed the head of a long creake, 53 and 
there they tooke into another wood, 54 and we after them, 
fuppofing to finde fome of their dwellings, but we marched 
thorow boughes and bufhes, and vnder hills and vallies, 
which tore our very Armour in peeces, 5S and yet could 
meete with none of them, nor their houfes, nor finde any 
frefh water, which we greatly defired, and ftood in need 
off, for we brought neither Beere nor Water with vs, and 
our victuals was onely Bisket and Holland cheefe, and a 
little Bottle of aquavitef fo as we were fore a thirft. 
About ten a clocke we came into a deepe Valley, 57 full of 
brufh, wood-gaile, and long graffe, 58 through which we 

53 Ea/t-Harbor Creek, which almoft 
cuts through to the ocean fide. " At 
the head of Eaft-Harbor Creek, the 
Atlantic is feparated but by half a 
dozen rods of fand from the tide- 
waters of the Bay." — [Thoreau's 
Cape Cod, p. 166.] 

54 Clearing the end of Eaft-Harbor 
Creek, they turned toward the fouth, 
which would bring them toward the 
woods, which feem to have covered 
the ridges and central portion — back 
from the ocean on the N. E. and the 
bay on the S. W. 

55 Dr. Freeman faid, in 1801, "Ex- 
cepting the trees and bufhes, which 
have difappeared, this is an exacl; de- 
fcription of that part of Truro called 
Eaft Harbor." — [i Ma/s. Hift. Coll. 
viii. 208.] 

56 "Aqua vitae, a fort of cordial Li- 
quor formerly made of brewed Beer 


ftrongly hopp'd, well fermented ; now 
(1730) it is commonly underftood of 
Spirits, Geneva, and the like." — 

57 The valley which contains the 
four or five fcattering houfes which 
now reprefent what ufed to be the vil- 
lage of Eaft Harbor, in Truro ; per- 
haps one and one half miles W. N. 
W. from Highland Light. 

58 Brujh. — A general name for wild 
rofe-bufhes (Rofa lucida), bufh-whor- 
tleberry ( Vaccinium dumofum), low 
blueberry (Vaccinium Pennfylvaiti- 
cum), bearberry ( Arcloftaphylos uva 
urfi), brown crowberry (Oakefia con- 
radi), pimpernel (Anagallis arven- 

fis), beach-plum (Prunus maritima), 
beach-pea (Lathyrus maritimus), 
fhad-bufh ( Amelanchier ovalisj, and 
other coarfe fhrubby and weedy 
growths which are ftill found in, or 




found little paths or traces, and there we faw a Deere, 
and found fprings of frefh water, 59 of which we were 
heartily glad, and fat vs downe and drunke our firft New- 
England water with as much delight as euer we drunke 
drinke in all our Hues. When we had refrefhed our 
felues, we directed our courfe full South, that we might 
come to the fhore, which within a fhort while after we 
did, and there made a fire, that they in the fhip might fee 
where wee were (as we had direction) 60 and fo marched 
on towards this fuppofed River; and as we went in 
another valley, we found a fine cleere Pond of frefh 
water, being about a Musket fhot broad, and twife as 
long ; 6l there grew alfo many fmall vines, [ 6 ] and Foule 
and Deere haunted there ; there grew much Safafras : 

not far from, the fame localities. — 
[See Thoreau's Cafe Cod, paffim.] 

Wood-gaile, Dr. Young thought 
to be the Sweet gale (Myrica gale), 
but I am not aware that any trace of 
that exifts on the Cape ; while a fec- 
ond fpecies of the fame family, the 
Bay-berry (Myrica cerifera), grows 
in that region abundantly to this day. 

Long Grafs. — Beach grafs (cala- 
magroftis arenaria) was undoubted- 
ly what they meant. 

59 In 1801, Dr. Freeman ftated that 
in this valley was a fwamp, called 
Dyer's Swamp, around which were 
formerly fprings of frefh water, with 
a few then ftill remaining. But the 
remorfelefs fand has now fo obliter- 
ated them that for at leaft a genera- 

tion there has been no fign of fprings 
there, — only a hollow, overgrown 
with bufhes. 

6° Bradford fays, " Afterwards they 
directed their courfe to come to y e 
other fhore, for they knew it was a 
necke of land they were to crofie over, 
and fo at length gott to y e feafide.'' — 
\_Hift. Pfym. Plant., 81.] A S. W. 
courfe would bring them to the fhore 
of the bay within the diftance of a 
mile from Dyer's Swamp ; while their 
fire built there 1 on the fhore could not 
have been diftant much more than 
four miles acrofs the bay, very nearly 
due E. from the anchorage of the 

*' This was the little lake which 
gives name to the Pond Village in 


from thence we went on & found much plaine ground, 62 
about fiftie Acres, fit for the Plow, and fome fignes where 
the Indians had formerly planted their corne ; after this, 
fome thought it beft for neareneffe of the river to goe 
downe and travaile on the Sea fands, by which meanes 
fome of our men were tyred, and lagged behind, fo we 
ftayed and gathered them vp, and ftruck into the Land 
againe ; 63 where we found a little path to certaine heapes 
of fand, one whereof was covered with old Matts, and 
had a woodden thing like a morter whelmed on the top 
of it, and an earthen pot layd in a little hole at the end 
thereof; we mufing what it might be, digged & found 

Truro. Thoreau, who vifited it in 
1855, defcribes it as "a pond three- 
eighths of a mile long denfely filled 
with cat-tail flags [Typha latifolia] 
feven feet high, — enough for all the 
coopers in New England." — [Cape 
Cod, 130.] Although "a fine cleere 
Pond" in 1620, the added mention of 
vines, &c, indicates fwampy tenden- 
cies at that time. [See Dr. Fobes's 
account of the filling up of Fowling 
Pond, in Raynham, within a much 
more recent period, in 1 Mafs. Hi/l. 
Coll., iii. 172.] 

62 Proceeding fouthward toward 
Pamet River, of which they were in 
fearch, they would next come to a 
feclion of elevated table-land, now 
traceable between Pond Village and 
Great Hollow; perhaps three-fourths 
of a mile W. N. W. of the famous 
old Truro meeting-houfe, painted by 

" the dark brown years," now Hand- 
ing no longer. 

63 Probably following up the Great 
Hollow valley from its mouth on the 
bay ; fo that the place of graves was 
doubtlefs fomewhere in what is now 
the village of Great Hollow. Their 
filence in regard to the Great Swamp 
in Truro feems to be accounted for 
by this detour to the beach. They 
ftruck down to the " fea-fands " juft 
before they would have come to it, and 
then going up again through Great 
Hollow, pafl"ed by it while they were 
on the ftiore. The fwamp is about 
half way between Pond Village and 
Great Hollow, fay three-fourths of a 
mile from each, almoft due W. from 
the old Truro meeting-houfe, and is 
now feparated from the lhore of the 
bay by a beach of not more than two 
hundred feet in width. 




a Bow, and, as we thought, Arrowes, but they were rot- 
ten; We fuppofed there were many other things, but 
becaufe we deemed them graues, 64 we put in the Bow 
againe and made it vp as it was, and left the reft vn touched, 
becaufe we thought it would be odious vnto them to 
ranfacke their Sepulehers. We went on further and 
found new ftubble, of which they had gotten Corne this 
yeare, and many Wallnut trees full of Nuts, 65 and great 
ftore of Strawberries, 65 and fome Vines ; 6? paffing thus a 

6 4 Schoolcraft fays the Indians 
" choofe dry and elevated places for 
burial, which are completely out of 
the reach of floods or Handing water." 
— \Hift. Indian Tribes of the U. S., 
ii. 69.] And Roger Williams fays, 
" Upon the Grave is fpread the Mat 
that the party died on, the Dim he eat 
in, &c." — [Xey, &c, in R.-I. Hijl. 
Coll., i. 161.] 

6s The mockernut hickory (Carya 
tomentofa) — which grows on a poor- 
er foil than the fhellbark (Carya alba) 
and more prevails in the eaftern and 
fouthern parts of Maflachufetts — 
ripens its fruit in October ; fo that, 
in the mild winter of 1620, the trees 
might be expefted, in November, to 
be ftill "full of nuts." 

66 Strawberry vines (Fragaria I'ir- 
giitiatta, or vefca). Roger Williams 
fays, " This Berry is the wonder of all 
the Fruits growing naturally in thofe 
parts : it is of itfelfe Excellent : fo 
that one of the chiefeft Doftors of 
England was wont to fay, that God 
could have made, but God never did 

make a better Berry : In fome parts 
where the Natives have planted " [he 
does not mean planted ftrawberry- 
vines, but tilled the foil with corn, &c, 
and fo invited its creepers to a richer 
bed] " I have many times feen as many 
as would fill a good flrip within a few 
miles compaffe." — [Key, &c, in R.-I. 
Hijl. Coll., i. 90.] " Strawberries grew 
there abundantly [1855] in the little 
hollows on the edge of the defert, 
ftanding amid the beach-grafs in the 
fand." — [Thoreau, Cape Cod, 187.] 

6 7 Grape-vines. Thomas Morton 
fays, " Of this kind of trees, there are 
that beare grapes of three colours, that 
is to fay : white, black and red." He 
adds, " The Country is fo apt for vines 
that (but for the fire at the fpring of 
the yeare) the vines would fo over 
fpreade the land, that one mould not 
be able to paffe for them ; the fruit 
is as bigg of fome as a mufket bullet, 
and is excellent in tafte.'' — \New- 
Englijh Canaan, in Force's Trails, 
Vol. 11., v. 45. See alfo Wood's New- 
England's Proffteft, ch. v.] 


field or two, which were not great, we came to another, 
which had alfo bin new gotten, 68 and there we found 
where an houfe had beene, and foure or fiue old Plankes 
layed together ; alfo we found a great Ketle, which had 
beene fome Ships ketle and brought out of Europe; 69 
there was alfo an heape of fand, made like the former, but 
it was newly done, we might fee how they had padled it 
with their hands, which we digged vp, and in it we found 
a little old Basket full of faire Indian Corne, and digged 
further & found a fine great new Basket full of very faire 
corne of this yeare, with fome 36. goodly eares of corne, 
fome yellow, and fome red, and others mixt with blew, 
which was a very goodly fight: the Basket 70 was round, 
and narrow at the top, it held about three or foure 

68 That is, another field where the dians killed all but three or four, 
ftubble fhowed that the Indians had ufing the furvivors worfe than Haves ; 
newly "gotten corne." In Cham- two of whom Captain Dermer re- 
plain's Voyages there is a plate repre- deemed. 

fenting Indian cornfields and wig- 7° " Their Barnes are holes made 

warns on Cape Cod, in 1605. Tho- in the earth, that will hold a Hogf- 

reau fays,in 1855, "We were furprifed head of corne a peece in them. In 

to hear of the great crops of corn thefe (when their corne is out of the 

which are ftill raifed [on the Cape] hufke and well dried) they lay their 

notwithftanding the real and apparent ftore in greate bafkets (which they 

barrennefs." — [Cape Cod, 33.] make of Sparke) with matts under 

6 9 Thefe were, moft likely, the traces about the fides and on the top : and 
of the company to which Bradford putting it into the place made for it, 
refers when he fays [Hi/l. Plym. they cover it with earth : and in this 
Plant., 98], that about 1617 "a French manner it is preferved from deftruc- 
fhip was caft away at Cap-Codd, but tion or putrifadlion ; to be ufed in 
y e men gott afhore, & faved their cafe of neceffity and not elfe.'' — 
lives, and much of their victails & \New-EngliJh Canaan, in Force's 
other goods." He adds that the In- Trails, Vol. 11., v. 30.] 


Bufhels, which was as much as two of vs could lift vp 
from the ground, and was very handfomely and cunningly 
made ; But whilft wee were bufie about thefe things, we 
fet our men Sentinell in a round ring, all but two [ 7 ] or 
three which digged vp the corne. We were in fufpence, 
what to doe with it, and the Ketle, and at length after 
much confultation, we concluded to take the Ketle, and 
as much of the Corne as we could carry away with vs ; 
and when our Shallop came, if we could find any of the 
people, and come to parley with them, we would giue 
them the Ketle againe, and fatisfie them for their Corne, 71 
fo we tooke all the eares and put a good deale of the 
loofe Corne in the Ketle for two ,men to bring away on 
a ftaffe; befides, they that could put any into their Pock- 
ets filled the fame ; the reft wee buried againe, for we 
were fo laden with Armour that we could carry no more. 
Not farre from this place we found the remainder of an 
old Fort, or Palizide, which as we conceiued had beene 
made by fome Chriftians, 72 this was alfo hard by that 
place which we thought had beene a river, vnto which 
wee went and found it fo to be, deviding it felfe into two 
armes by an high banke, 73 Handing right by the cut or 

7' This was indicative of the fpirit 7 2 They feem to have now reached 

of fairnefs with which the Pilgrims of the neighborhood of Hopkins's Cliff, 

Plymouth always afted towards the which borders Pamet River on the 

aboriginal owners of the foil. [See north. Doubtlefs the "old fort," and 

difcuffion of the queftion, Did the the " remains of the houfe " feen a 

Pilgrims wrong the Indians ? in little before, had one origin, 

the Congregational Quarterly, i. 129- 73 Now called Old Tom's Hill, in 

135.] Indian Neck. 


mouth which came from the Sea, 74 that which was next 
vnto vs was the leffe, the other arme was more then twife 
as big, and not vnlike to be an harbour for fhips ; but 
whether it be a frefh river, or onely an indraught of the 
Sea, we had no time to difcover ; for wee had Command- 
ement to be out but two dayes. Here alfo we faw two 
Canoas, 75 the one on the one fide, the other on the other 
fide, 76 wee could not beleeue it was a Canoa, till we 
came neare it, fo we returned leauing the further difco- 

74 Bradford fays, " This was near 
ye place of that fuppofed river they 
came to feeck ; unto which they wente 
and found it to open it felfe into 2. 
armes with a high cliffe of fand in ye 
enterance, but more like to be crikes 
of falte water than any frefh, for ought 
they faw." — [Hi/l. Pfym. Plant., 82.] 
Prince [Annals, 74] conjectures this 
to be what is now Barnftable harbor. 
But, afide from the fact that the re- 
femblance of Barnftable harbor to the 
defcription here given is of the vagueft 
poffible defcription, his conjecture is 
proven erroneous by the fact that the 
ground gone over by the party to 
reach Barnftable muft have been at 
leaft forty-five miles, — an incredible 
journey for the time, and under the 
circumftances; while the details agree 
at every point with Pamet River. 
The " leffe " arm, which was next to 
the party, is Hopkins's Creek, North 
Branch, or Pamet Little River ; the 
" other arme " was Pamet River, or 
Pamet Creek, or Pamet harbor, which 
almoft cuts off the Cape here, termi- 

nating only within a few rods of the 
eaftern more. 

75 There is nothing to indicate 
whether thefe were bark canoes or 
"dug-outs." Both were ufed by the 

76 It is difficult to fee exactly what 
is here intended. Dr. Young inter- 
prets the " one fide " and " other fide " 
to refer to the bank' (i. e. Old Tom's 
Hill), fo that he underftands them to 
have looked acrofs Hopkins's Creek, 
and feen the two canoes lying on its 
further fhore, but the one on the one 
fide of the "high banke," and the 
other on the other. This would not 
enable the party, however, to "come 
nearer " than the width of the creek 
to either. If the " one fide " and the 
" other fide," on the other hand, are 
taken as referring to the creek itfelf, 
one canoe becomes acceffible ; though 
it might be urged that if the party 
came near enough to it to handle it, 
they might probably have faid more 
about it, and might be tempted to try 
its power of ferrying. 




very hereof to our Shallop, and came that night backe 
againe to the freih water pond, 77 and there we made our 
Randevous that night, making a great fire, and a Bari- 
cado ?s to windward of vs, and kept good watch with 
three Sentinells all night, euery one Handing when his 
turne came, while fiue or fixe inches of Match was burn- 
ing. 79 It proved a very rainie night. In the morning to 
we tooke our Ketle and funke it in the pond, and 
trimmed our Muskets, for few of them would goe off 
becaufe of the wett, and fo coafted the wood 8l againe to 
come home, in which we were fhrewdly puf-led, and loft 
our way, as we wandred we came to a tree, where a 
yong Spritt 82 was bowed downe over a bow, and fome 

77 See note 6i. 

7 s " So they made them a barricado 
(as ufually they did every night) with 
loggs, ftaks, & thike pine bowes, y<= 
height of a man, leaving it open to 
leeward, partly to flielter them from 
y<= could & wind (making their fire 
in ye midle & lying round aboute 
it), and partly to defend them from 
any fudden affaults of y e favags, if 
theyfhould furround them." — [Brad- 
ford, Plym. Plant., 84.] 

79 Moft of their guns were match- 
locks (though the Pilgrims then had 
at leaft one flint-lock in their poffef- 
fion, as will appear farther on), which 
would be worthlefs in a fudden alarm 
unlefs the match were kept constantly 

80 Friday, ** Nov. 

81 The foreft feems to have grown 

down to the pond on the north, and 
thence flretched acrofs toward the 
ocean; fo that they "fkirted it" in 
their endeavor to go around the head 
of Eaft-Harbor Creek ; but, getting 
confufed in the denfe growth, and fo 
loft, they went too far E. 

82 A fprout, i. e. a young fapling. 
Thomas Morton fays, " The Salvages 
take thefe [deer] in trappes made of 
their naturall Hempe, which they place 
in the earth ; where they fell a tree 
for browfe, and when he rounds the 
tree for the browfe, if hee tread on 
the trapp, he is horfed up by the legg, 
by meanes of a pole that ftarts up and 
catcheth him." — [New-Eng. Canaan, 
in Force's Trafls, Vol. 11., v. 52.] The 
boys in the Old Colony catch the 
fmall game of the woods, to this day, 
by fimilar traps. 


Acornes ftrewed vn- [8] der-neath; Stephen Hopkins 
fayd, it had beene to catch fome Deere, fo, as we were 
looking at it, William Bradford being in the Reare, when 
he came looked alfo vpon it, and as he went about, it 
gaue a fodaine jerk vp, and he was immediately caught 
by the leg ; It was a very pretie devife, made with a Rope 
of their owne making, and having a noofe as artificially 
made, as any Roper 83 in England can make, and as like 
ours as can be, which we brought away with vs. In the 
end wee got out of the Wood, and were fallen about a 
myle too high aboue the creake, 84 where we faw three 
Bucks, but we had rather haue had one of them. 8s Wee 
alfo did fpring three couple of Partridges ; and as we 
came along by the creake, wee faw great flockes of wild 
Geefe and Duckes, but they were very fearefull of vs. 
So we marched fome while in the Woods, fome while on 
the fands, and other while in the water vp to the knees, 86 

83 A ropemaker. — \JohnfonP\ they marched fome while "in the 

84 This would indicate that they water up to the knees " does not prove 
came out upon the eaftern more, it, becaufe they would be very likely 
fcarcely three-fourths of a mile N.W. to do that in marching around the 
of the prefent fite of the Highland marihes that flrirted Stout's Creek, if 
Light. they returned the fame way they 

85 There is a quaint touch of hu- went ; while the faft that they had 
mor here which indicates that the juft been loft in the woods, when 
Pilgrim vifage, though grim, knew they reached the head of Eaft-Harbor 
how to fmile. Creek, would have been likely to have 

86 Dr. Young fuggefts that they urged them to go back upon their 
went down the weft fide of Eaft-Har- tracks, after they had found them, 
bor Creek, and forded its mouth ; but It is, farther, in itfelf, greatly improb- 
I fee nothing in their narrative to in- able that they would go that way ; 
dicate that they did fo. The faft that {a) the difficulties of croffing Moon- 





till at length we came neare the Ship, 87 and then we fhot 
off our Peeces, and the long Boat came to fetch vs ; 

pond Run — which is fituated in the 
inner angle where Beach Point joins 
the main body of the Cape — are 
great when the tide is out, and infur- 
mountable when it is in ; (6) if they 
had intended to go back by way of 
Beach Point, — as the curve-line of 
the more, from where they were Hand- 
ing when they were on the hill near 
the Pond Village, muft have been vif- 
ible, fo that they could fee that there 
were no obftru&ions in their courfe 
that way, — one would think it much 
more natural that they mould have 
followed the hypothenufe — the bay 
more — back thither, than to have 
ftruggled through the brufhwood, 
thorns, and mud of the two fides of 
the triangle, round by Eaft-harbor 
meadow, High Head, and Moon Pond, 
to reach the fame point ; (c) it is by 
no means certain that the mouth of 
Eaft-Harbor Creek was fordable two 
hundred and forty-five years ago. It 
feems moft probable, then, that they 
went back by effentially the fame way 
that they had come. 

87 Here alfo it feems to me that 
both Dr. Young and Dr. Freeman 
[1 Mafs. Hijl. Coll., viii. 212] have 
wrongly inferred that the party waded 
acrofs Mill Creek and went round to 
the end of Long Point before hailing 
the fhip. This — if the configuration 
of Mill Creek were at all then as now 
— would have added at leaft four miles 
of tedious travel to what would be 
needful, if they returned on board 

from the waftiing-beach, where they 
appear to have difembarked for this 
journey. They muft have been too 
much fatigued — laden as they were 
with their armor and weapons and 
their corn — to do this needleflly. 
Moreover, it is ftated that Jones, 
Carver, and a number of the compa- 
ny were on fhore when they arrived ; 
but they would have been more likely 
to have been on the main fhore than 
on Long Point. It is obvious that, 
although the Mayflower lay at anchor 
not over a furlong's length from the 
inner ftiore of Long Point (as feems 
to be fixed by the remark made when 
the fhallop ftarted on its voyage to 
Plymouth), yet the going afliore was 
moftly done in the direction of Prov- 
incetown ; inafmuch as it is repeat- 
edly faid that they were compelled to 
wade a bow-fliot or two; that they, 
could not, at low-water, get within 
three-fourths of a mile of the lhore, 
&c, &c. I judge, then, that the party 
" fhot off" their "peeces " when they 
came down againft the fhip, — perhaps 
in the prefent neighborhood of Cen- 
tral Wharf, — and that their friends, 
who were fcattered, on their occa- 
fions, about the neighborhood, fher, 
came to greet them, and the long- 
boat foon took all on board. 

I am not able, I may add here, 
to underftand Dr. Young's ftatement, 
that the fhip lay two miles from 
Provincetown. If fhe were a fur- 
long infide of Long Point, fhe could 


mafter Tones, and mafter Caruer being on the fhore, with 
many of our people, came to meete vs. And thus wee 
came both weary and well-come home, and deliuered 
in our Corne into the ftore, to be kept for feed, for 
wee knew not how to come by any, and therefore were 
very glad, purpofing fo foone as we could meete with 
any of the Inhabitants of that place, to make them large 
fatisfaclion. This was our firft Difcovery, whilft our 
Shallop was in repairing ; our people did make things 
as fitting as they could, and time would, in feeking out 
wood, and heluing of Tooles, and fawing of Tymber to 
build a new Shallop, but the difcommodioufnes of the 
harbour did much hinder vs, for we could neither goe to, 
nor come from the fhore, but at high water, which was 
much to our hinderance and hurt, for oftentimes they 
waded to the midle of the thigh, and oft to the knees, to 
goe and come from land ; fome did it neceffarily, and 
fome for their owne pleafure, but it brought to the moft, 
if not to all, coughes and colds, the weather prouing 
fodainly cold and ftormie, which afterward turned to the 
fcurvey, whereof many dyed. [ 9 ] 

When our Shallop was fit indeed, before fhe was 
fully fitted, for there was two dayes worke after beftowed 
on her, there was appointed fome 24. men of our owne, 

fcarcely have been ten furlongs off to have been (see note 35), fhe could 
Provincetown, as the fhore now is ; hardly have been more than feven or 
while, as the fhore then would feem eight. 


and armed, then to goe and make a more full difcovery 
of the rivers before mentioned. 88 Mafter /ones was defir- 
ous to goe with vs, and tooke fuch of his faylers as he 
thought vfefull for vs, fo as we were in all about 34. men ; 
wee made mafter Iones our Leader, for we thought it beft 
herein to gratifie his kindnes and forwardnes. 8 ' When we 
were fet forth, it proued rough weather and croffe windes, 
fo as we were conftrained, fome in the Shallop, and others 
in the long Boate, to row to the neereft fhore the wind 
would fuffer them to goe vnto, and then to wade out 
aboue the knees ; * the wind was fo ftrong as the Shallop 
could not keepe the water, but was forced to harbour 
there that night, 91 but we marched fixe or feaven miles 
further, 92 and appointed the Shallop to come to vs as 
foone as they could. It blowed and did fnow all that day 
& night, and frofe withall : fome of our people that are 
dead tooke the originall of their death here. The next 
day 93 about 1 1. a clocke our Shallop came to vs, and wee 

88 That is, Pamet River and its 91 The fhallop appears to have gone 
three branches. See note 74. in round Beach Point into Eaft-Har- 

89 This proves nothing either way bor Creek. 

in regard to the charge which Secre- 92 How far would feem to them, 
tary Morton makes [N. E. Mejti., 12. J under their circumflances, to have 
of treachery againft Jones in landing been fix or feven miles muft be mat- 
the company fo far north ; becaufe, if ter of conjecture. They probably did 
that were true, it was not known to not get farther from Beach Point than 
any of the company for years after- Great Hollow, where they might con- 
ward, and of courfe could not now veniently take the fhallop next day ; 
impair their feelings of confidence in, which would be about five miles. 
or kindnefs towards, him. 93 Tuesday ^ sSNov. 

90 Probably Beach Point. 


fhipped our felues, and the wind being good, we fayled 
to the river we formerly difcovered, 94 which we named, 
Cold Harbour, to which when wee came we found it not 
Navigable for Ships, yet we thought it might be a good 
harbour for Boats, for it flowes there 12. foote at high 
water. We landed our men betweene the two creekes, 95 
and marched fome foure or fiue myles by the greater of 
them, 96 and the Shallop followed vs ; at length night grew 
on, and our men were tired with marching vp and downe 
the fteepe hills, and deepe vallies, which lay halfe a foot 
thicke with fnow : Mafter Tones wearied with marching, 
was defirous we fhould take vp our lodging, though fome 
of vs would haue marched further, fo we made there our 
Randevous for that night, vnder a few Pine trees, and as 
it fell out, wee got three fat Geefe, and fix Ducks 97 to our 
Supper, which we eate with Souldiers ftomacks, for we 

94 Pamet River. See note 74. bigger then the tame Geefe of Eng- 

95 That is, at Old Tom's Hill, on land, with black legges, black bills, 
Indian Neck. heads, and necks black ; the flefh 

96 The width of the Cape from the farre more excellent, then the Geefe 
mouth of Pamet River acrofs to the of England, wild or tame, yet the 
Atlantic fide is now fcarcely three and purity of the aire is fuch, that the 
a half miles, and, following all the biggeft is accompted but an indiffer- 
windings of that crooked channel, it ent meale for a couple of men. There 
would be hard to double that diftance ; is of them great abundance. I have 
fo that, in this eftimate alfo, we muft had often 1000. before the mouth of 
make fome allowance for the influence my gunne, I never faw any in Eng- 
of circumftances upon miles. gland for my part fo fatt. . . . Ducks, 

97 "There are Gene of three forts there are of three kindes, pide Ducks, 
vize, brant Geefe, which are pide, gray Ducks, and black Ducks in 
and white Geefe which are bigger, greate abundance." — [New-Eng. Ca- 
and gray Geefe which are as bigg and naan, Force, 11., v. 46.] 

3 o NEW-ENGLAND [10 

had eaten little all that day; our refolution was next morn- 
ing to goe vp to the head of this river, for we fuppofed it 
would proue frefh water, 98 but in [ 10 ] the morning" our 
refolution held not, becaufe many liked not the hillineffe 
of the foyle, and badneffe of the harbour, fo we turned 
towards the other creeke, 100 that wee might goe over and 
looke for the reft of the Corne that we left behind when 
we were here before ; when we came to the creeke, we 
faw the Canow IQI lie on the dry ground, and a flocke of 
Geefe in the river, at which one made a fhot, and killed 
a couple of them, and we lanched the Canow & fetcht 
them, and when we had done, fhe carryed vs over by 
feaven or eight at once. This done, we marched to the 
place where we had the corne formerly, which place we 
called Come-hill; and digged and found the reft, of which 
we were very glad : we alfo digged in a place a little fur- 
ther off, and found a Botle of oyle ; J ° 2 wee went to another 
place, which we had feene before, and digged, and found 
more corne, viz. two or three Baskets full of Indian 
Wheat, 103 and a bag of Beanes, with a good many of faire 

98 They muft have been then with- i°2 Another relic of the fliipwrecked 
in a mile of the Atlantic fide. The failors ? See note 69. 

prefent ifthmus between the head of IQ 3 Corn was a general term for 

Pamet River and the beach on the thofe farinaceous grains which grow 

eaftern fide of the Cape can scarcely in ears, including wheat, barley, oats, 

be more than forty rods in width. maize, &c. By " Indian wheat" they 

99 Wednefday, g 9 r^ ov ' meant maize or " Indian corn." Hig- 

100 That is, over toward the north ginfon fays, " It is almoft incredible 
branch and Cornhill. what great gaine fome of our Eng- 

*°» See note 75. lilh Planters have had by our Indian 

10] IN AMERICA 31 

Wheat-eares ; IC4 whilft fome of vs were digging vp this, 
fome others found another heape of Corne, which they 
digged vp alfo, fo as we had in all about ten Bufhels, 
which will ferue vs fufficiently for feed. And fure it was 
Gods good providence that we found this Corne, for els 
wee know not how we fhould haue done, for we knew 
not how we fhould find, or meete with any of the In- 
dians, except it be to doe vs a mifchiefe. Alfo we had 
neuer in all likelihood feene a graine of it, if we had not 
made our firft Iourney ; IOS for the ground was now cov- 
ered with fnow, and fo hard frofen, that we were faine 
with our Curtlaxes Io6 and fhort Swords, to hew and carue 
the ground a foot deepe, and then wreft it vp with leav- 
ers, for we had forgot to bring other Tooles ; whilft we 
were in this imployment, foule weather being towards, 107 

Corne. Credible perfons have allured 
me, and the partie him-felfe auouched 
the truth of it to me, that of the fetting 
of 13 Gallons of Corne he hath had en- 
creafe of it 52 Hogflieads, euerie Hogf- 
head holding feuen Bulhels of Lon- 
don meafure, and euerie Buftiell was 
by him fold and trufted to the Indians 
for fo much Beauer as was worth 18 
millings ; and fo of this 13 Gallons of 
Corne which was worth 6 millings 8 
pence, he made about 327 pounds of 
it the yeere following, as by reckon- 
oning will appeare. . . . There is 
not fuch great and beautifull eares of 
Corne I fuppofe any where elfe to be 
found but in this Countrey : being alfo 
of a variety of colours, as red, blew, 

and yellow, &c." — [New- England's 
Plantation, Force, 1., xii. 6.] 

1Q 4 Thefe " Wheat-eares " were ears 
of corn. Beans were a part of the 
yearly crop of the Indians, when the 
country was difcovered. The wild 
Phafeolus trilobus was ufed by the 
Indian doctors as a cooling fedative 
antibilious tonic. The Phafeolus vul- 
garis was, moft likely, the kind raifed 
by the Indians. — [Dewey's Herb. 
Plants of Mafs., 63.] 

io s See p. 21. 

106 « Curtlafs (q. d. curtled or curt 
axe) a fhort fword, a kind of hanger." 
— [Bailey, ,] 

107 " Towards (adverb), near at 
hand ; advancing." — [ Worcefter.~\ 



Mafter /ones was earneft to goe abourd, but fundry of vs 
defired to make further difcovery, and to find out the 
Indians habitations, fo we fent home with him our weak- 
eft people, and fome that were ficke, IoS and all the Corne, 
and 1 8. of vs ftayed ftill, and lodged there 109 that night, 
and defired that the Shallop might returne to vs next 
day, and bring vs fome Mattocks and Spades with them, 
[n] The next morning 110 we followed certaine beaten 
pathes and tracts of the Indians into the Woods, fuppof- 
ing they would haue led vs into fome Towne, or houfes ; 
after wee had gone a while, we light vpon a very broad 
beaten path, well nigh two foote broad, then we lighted 
all our Matches, 111 and prepared our felues, concluding 
wee were neare their dwellings, but in the end we found 
it to be onely a path made to driue Deere in, when the 
Indians hunt, as wee fuppofed ; II2 when we had marched 
fiue or fix myles into the Woods," 3 and could find no 
fignes of any people, we returned againe another way, and 
as we came into the plaine ground, 114 wee found a place 
like a graue, but it was much bigger and longer then any 

*°s Sixteen went back, as there were were miftaken in their conjecture, and 

thirty-four in the company. he in his comment. 

io 9 In the neighborhood of Corn- "3 The direction of their march, 

hill. moft likely, was over toward the At- 

iio Thurfday, jj™ lantic fide, fomewhere between Small's 

"" See note 79. Hill and Highland Light. 

" I2 This defcription accords very "4 That is, came back to the cleared 

imperfectly with that of a deer-path land fouth of the Pond, where they 

which Dr. Young quotes from Wood, had found graves in their firft expe- 

It is quite poffible that the Pilgrims dition. 


we had yet feene. It was alfo covered with boords, fo as 
we mufed what it fhould be, and refolved to digge it vp, 
where we found, firft a Matt, and vnder that a fayre Bow, 
and there another Matt, and vnder that a boord about 
three quarters" 5 long, finely carued and paynted, with 
three tynes, or broches " 6 on the top, like a Crowne ; alfo 
betweene the Matts we found Boules, Trayes, Difhes, 
and fuch like Trinkets ; at length we came to a faire 
new Matt, and vnder that two Bundles, the one bigger, 
the other leffe, we opened the greater and found in it a 
great quantitie of fine and perfect red Powder, and in it 
the bones and skull of a man. The skull had fine yellow 
haire ftill on it, and fome of the flefh vnconfumed ; there 
was bound vp with it a knife, a pack-needle, 117 and two or 
three old iron things. It was bound vp in a Saylers can- 
vas Cafacke," 8 and a payre of cloth breeches ; the red 
Powder was a kind of Embaulment, and yeelded a ftrong, 
but no offensiue fmell ; It was as fine as any flower. We 
opened the leffe bundle likewife, and found of the fame 
Powder in it, and the bones and head of a little childe, 
about the leggs, and other parts of it was bound firings, 
and bracelets of fine white Beads; 119 there was alfo by it 

I! S A quarter of a yard was famil- carved on the board ; connecting 

iarly fpoken of, in lineal meafure, as a nautical affociations with the grave, 
"quarter." "7 A large, coarfe needle for few- 

n6 " Tine, the Grain [prong] of a ing pack-cloth with pack-thread, in 

Fork." "Broach, a fpit for roafting doing up packages of goods, 
meat on." — {Bailey, ,] The idea is II8 A coarfe frock, or bloufe. 
that fomething like a trident was "9 Wampum. 


a little Bow, about three quarters long, and fome other 
odd knackes ; we brought fundry of the pretieft things 
away with vs, and covered the Corps vp againe. After 
this, we digged in fundry like places, but found no more 
Corne, nor any things els but [12] graues: There was 
varietie of opinions amongft vs about the embalmed per- 
fon; fome thought it was an Indian Lord and King: oth- 
ers fayd, the Indians haue all blacke hayre, and never any 
was feene with browne or yellow hayre ; fome thought, 
it was a Chriftian of fome fpeciall note, which had dyed 
amongft them, and they thus buried him to honour him ; 
others thought, they had killed him, and did it in triumph 
over him. 120 Whileft we were thus ranging and fearching, 
two of the Saylers, which were newly come on the fhore, 121 
by chance efpied two houfes, which had beene lately dwelt 
in, but the people were gone. They having their peeces, 

120 From the mention of the trident failors {Hift. Ptym. Plant, 98] mows 
carved and painted on the board found that they were faid to have been treat- 
in the grave, and that of the knife, ed " worfe than flaves " by the In- 
pack-needle, caflock, and breeches, dians, it is poffible that fome one of 
and the yellow hair found on the fkull, them may have pleafed his captors, 
it is made probable that this was the and been adopted into their tribe ; 
grave of one of the fhipwrecked fail- may have married, and been buried 
ors already referred to, or of fome by them with honor, and with his 
one of earlier coming. (See note 69.) child in the fame grave. Or, poffibly, 
What the embalming powder — as it may have been a North-men relic, 
they conceived it to be — was, I can l21 The fhallophad returned for the 
form no conjecture. Nor is it eafy eighteen members of the party who 
to explain the child's bones, and the had remained — as by requeft of the 
Indian relics buried in the fame grave, previous night ; and fome of her fail- 
Although Bradford's reference to thefe ors were now fearching for them. 


and hearing no body entred the houfes, and tooke out 
fome things, and durft not ftay but came againe and told 
vs ; fo fome feaven or eight of vs went with them, and 
found how we had gone within a flight fhot of them be- 
fore. The houfes were made with long yong Sapling 
trees, bended and both ends ftucke into the ground ; I22 
they were made round, like vnto an Arbour, and covered 
downe to the ground with thicke and well wrought matts, 
and the doore was not over a yard high, made of a matt 
to open ; I23 the chimney was a wide open hole in the top, 
for which they had a matt to cover it clofe when they 
pleafed ; one might ftand and goe vpright in them, in the 
midft of them were foure little trunches I24 knockt into 
the ground, and fmall ftickes laid over, on which they 
hung their Pots, and what they had to feeth ; round 
about the fire they lay on matts, which are their beds. 
The houfes were double matted, for as they were mat- 
ted without, fo were they within, with newer & fairer 
matts. 123 In the houfes we found wooden Boules, Trayes 
& Difhes, Earthen Pots, Hand baskets made of Crab 

122 "Their Houfes are verie little Hiji. Coll., i. 47-51; Force, 11., v. 19, 
and homely, being made with fmall 20; 1 Mafs. HiJl. Coll.,\. 149; School- 
Poles pricked into the ground, and craft's Indian Tribes, &°c, ii. 63, &c] 
fo bended and faftned at the tops, I2 3 " Their doore is a hanging Mat, 
and on the fides they are matted with which being lift up, falls downe of 
Boughes, and couered on the Roofe itfelfe." — [Roger Williams, R.-I.HiJl. 
with Sedge and old Mats." — [New- Coll., i. 51.] 

England' 's Plantation, Force, i.xii. 13. I2 4 " Trunch, a. ftake, a fmall poft." 

See alfo, for further particulars in re- — [ Weijler.] 

gard to the Indian wigwams, R.-I. I2 s " They line them with embroyd- 




fhells, wrought together ; I26 alfo an Englifh Paile or 
Bucket, it wanted a bayle, but it had two Iron eares : 
there was alfo Baskets of fundry forts, bigger and fome 
leffer, finer and fome courfer: fome were curioufly 
wrought with blacke and white in pretie workes, 127 and 
fundry other of their houfhold ftuffe : we found alfo two 
or three Deeres heads, one whereof had bin newly killed, 
for it was ftill frefh ; there was alfo a company of [13] 
Deeres feete, ftuck vp in the houfes, Harts homes, 128 and 
Eagles clawes, 129 and fundry fuch like things there was : 
alfo two or three Baskets full of parched Acornes, peeces 
of fifh, and a peece of a broyled Hering. We found alfo 
a little filke graffe, I3 ° and a little Tobacco feed, 131 with 

ered mats which the women make, 
and call them Mannotaubana, or 
Hangings, which amongft them make 
as faire a mow as Hangings with us." 
— [Roger Williams, R.-I. Hiji. Coll., 

i- 47-] 

126 Gookin mentions various mate- 
rials for Indian balkets : " Some are 
made of ruflies ; fome of bents [bent- 
grafs] ; others, of maize hufks; others, 
of a kind of filk grafs ; others, of a 
kind of wild hemp ; and fome, of barks 
of trees." — [1 Mafs. HiJl. Coll., i. 
151.] Thefe, of crab-fliells, muft have 
been fattened, one would think, by 
finews ; and muft have been the re- 
fult of " fancy work." 

12 7 " Many of them very neat and 
artificial, with the portraitures of 
birds, beafts, fifties and flowers, upon 
them in colours."— [Gookin, as above.] 

128 Thefe muft have been deer's 
horns. The fallow-deer (Cervus Vir- 
ginianus) is the only fpecies of its 
genus catalogued as native to Maffa- 
chufetts." — [Emmons's Quadrupeds 
of Mafs., 81.] 

12 9 The Falco leucocephalus, or pof- 
fibly that named, by Audubon, the 
Falco Wafhingtonianus j unlefs the 
party miftook the talons of the huge 
fifti-hawk (Falco halicetus) for thofe 
of an eagle. 

■3° Poffibly the Stipa avenacea, or 
fome kindred feathery grafs ; but moft 
probably the dried long feed-down 
of the Afclepias cornuti, commonly 
known as milkweed, or filkweed. 

"3i Probably thofe of the Kicotiana 
ruftica, with greenifli yellow flowers, 
and not the iY. tabacum, the flowers 
of which are rofe-colored. The for- 

is] IN AMERICA. 37 

fome other feeds which wee knew not ; without was fun- 
dry bundles of Flags, and Sedge, Bull-rufhes, and other 
ftuffe to make matts ; 132 there was thruft into an hollow 
tree, two or three peeces of Venifon, but we thought it 
fitter for the Dogs then for vs : fome of the beft things 
we tooke away with vs, and left the houfes {landing (till 
as they were, fo it growing towards night, and the tyde 
almoft fpent, we halted with our things downe to the 
Shallop, and got abourd that night, 133 intending to haue 
brought fome Beades, and other things to haue left in 
the houfes, in figne of Peace, and that we meant to truk 
with them, but it was not done, by meanes of our haftie 
comming away from Cape Cod, 134 but fo foone as we can 

mer is confidered inferior to the lat- 
ter, and now grows wild in old fields 
in fome parts of the north, a relic of 
cultivation by the Indians. Roger 
Williams fays, " They take their Wut- 
tamauog (that is, a weake Tobacco) 
which the men plant themfelves, very 
frequently ; yet I never fee any take 
fo exceffively, as I have feene Men 
in Europe. . . . They fay they take 
Tobacco for two cavfes ; firft againft 
the rheume which cavfeth the tooth- 
ake, which they are impatient of: 
fecondly to revive and refrelh them, 
they drinking nothing but water." — 
[R.-I. Hijl. Coll., i. 35, 55.] 

132 The flags, moft likely, were the 
Acorns calamus and Iris verficolorj 
the fedge, the larger varieties of the 
Carex family ; and the bulrufhes, the 
Tvpha latifolia. 

'33 Prince fays [New-Eng. Chron., 
i. 75], " They get aboard at night ; 
and the next Day, Dec. I. Return to 
the Ship ; " and cites this " Relation" 
in proof. But I fubmit that, although 
it was "growing towards night" when 
they ftarted for the fhallop, it is yet 
more reafonable to fuppofe, as they 
had fcarcely more than five miles 
to go, that they reached the May- 
flower that evening, than that they 
fpent the night in the cold in the 
fhallop, almoft, or quite, within fight 
of the top of her mafts. I interpret, 
then, the expreffion " got abourd that 
night " as referring to the Mayflower. 
And this explains the abfence of all 
reference to a return on the next day. 

'34 The meaning is, that they in- 
tended, after reaching the (hip, to 
make another expedition to thefe 


meete conveniently with them, we will giue them full 
fatisfac~Hon. I3S Thus much of our fecond Difcovery. 

Having thus difcovered this place, it was controverfall 
amongft vs, what to doe touching our aboad and fetling 
there; fome thought it beft for many reafons to abide 
there. 136 

As firft, that there was a convenient harbour for Boates, 
though not for Ships. 

Secondly, Good Corne ground readie to our hands, as 
we faw by experience in the goodly corne it yeelded, 
which would againe agree with the ground, and be natu- 
rall feed for the fame. 

Thirdly, Cape Cod was like to be a place of good fifh- 
ing, for we faw daily great Whales of the beft kind for 
oyle and bone, come clofe aboord our Ship, and in fayre 
weather fwim and play about vs ; I37 there was once one 
when the Sun fhone warme, came and lay aboue water, 
as if fhe had beene dead, for a good while together, within 
halfe a Musket fhot of the Ship, at which two were pre- 
pared to flioote, to fee whether fhe would ftir or no, he 
that gaue fire firft, his Musket flew in peeces, both ftocke 
and barrell, yet thankes be to [14] God, neither he nor 

wigwams with beads, &c; but were ward they did, to their good con tente.'' 

prevented by ftarting fo foon for Plym- — [Bradford, Hift. Plym. Plant., 83.] 
outh, and by the fudden removal of "36 That is, on the cleared land 

the Mayflower thither after they had around Cornhill, and bordering Pamet 

decided to fettle there. River. 
135 "As about fome 6. months after- 137 See note 13. 


any man els was hurt with it, though many were there 
about, but when the Whale faw her time the gaue a 
fnuffe and away. 

Fourthly, the place was likely to be healthfull, fecure, 
and defenfible. 

But the laft and efpeciall reafon was, that now the heart 
of Winter and vnfeafonable weather was come vpon vs, 
fo that we could not goe vpon coafting and difcovery, 
without danger of loofing men and Boat, vpon which 
would follow the overthrow of all, efpecially confidering 
what variable windes and fodaine ftorms doe there arife. 
Alfo cold and wett lodging had fo taynted our people, for 
fcarce any of vs were free from vehement coughs, as if 
they fhould continue long in that eftate, it would in- 
danger the Hues of many, and breed difeafes and infection 
amongft vs. Againe, we had yet fome Beere, Butter, 
Flefh, and other fuch victuals left, which would quickly 
be all gone, and then we fhould haue nothing to comfort 
vs in the great labour and toyle we were like to vnder-goe 
at the firft ; It was alfo conceived, whilft we had compe- 
tent victuals, that the Ship would ftay with vs, but when 
that grew low, they would be gone, and let vs fhift as we 
could. 138 

Others againe, vrged greatly the going to Anguum or 
Angoum, nq a place twentie leagues off to the North- 

138 This is another proof that the J 39 I take it that all their impref- 
Pilgrims felt that they had reafon to fions of this place — except as they 
diftruft Capt. Jones and his company, might have been gathered from the 




wards, which they had heard to be an excellent harbour 
for mips; better ground and better fulling. Secondly, 
for any thing we knew, there might be hard by vs a farre 
better feate, and it mould be a great hindrance to feate 
where wee mould remoue againe. I4 ° Thirdly, The water 
was but in ponds, and it was thought there would be 
none in Summer, or very little. Fourthly, the water 

floating rumors of the fea — they had 
derived from Captain John Smith's 
Defcription of New England, with a 
rude map, which had been publifhed 
at London in 161 6, and was fubfe- 
quently incorporated with his Gen- 
erall Hiftorie, publifhed there in 1624. 
Defcribing the Maffachufetts lhore as 
it revealed itfelf to one coafting fouth- 
ward, he fays, "Augoan is the next : 
this place might content a right curi- 
ous iudgement, but there are many 
fands at the entrance of the Harbour, 
and the worft is, it is imbayed too 
farre from the deepe Sea; here are 
many rifmg hills, and on their tops 
and defcents are many corne fields 
and delightful groues : On the Eaft 
is an He of two or three leagues in 
length, the one halfe plaine marifh 
ground, fit for pafture or fait Ponds, 
with many faire high groues of Mul- 
bery trees and Gardens ; there is alfo 
Okes, Pines, Walnuts, and other wood 
to make this place an excellent habi- 
tation, being a good and fafe Har- 
bour." — \Generall Hiftorie, 214.] 
The map indicates — were there any 
doubt — that the place which Smith 
had in mind was Agawam, now known 

as Ipfwich, the entrance to whofe 
harbor (the goodnefs of which they 
would have found to be greatly exag- 
gerated) opens direftly at the fouth- 
ern extremity of Plum Ifland ; and 
upon Smith's map, by his fcale of 
leagues, is put down at as nearly 
"twentie leagues off to the North- 
wards " from the Mayflower as fhe 
lay at anchor, as can be meafured ; 
which indeed is not far from the true 

The name (Auguam, Augoam, An- 
guum, Angoum, Angawoam, Ago- 
wamin, Agawom, Agawam, Aga- 
wamme, &c.) is impregnated with the 
general fenfe of the word agwe, be- 
low ; and was fometimes applied to 
a place abfolutely low, — as to flat 
meadows where there was no com- 
parative reference to high lands ad- 
jacent ; fometimes to a place relative- 
ly low, in contraft with near eleva- 
tions ; and fometimes to a place be- 
low another, as being nearer the 
mouth of the river on which both 
were fituated. 

'4° That is, where they fhould be 
diffatisfied, and whence they fhould be 
therefore compelled to remove again. 

Scale f mile to an inch 






a. Place where the women washed. * 

b. Where they saw the Indians and the dog. 

c. Woods into which the Indians ran. 

d. Hill which the Indians ran up. 

e. Where the first Expedition spent the first night. 

f. Spring where they drank their first New England water, 

g. Where they built their signal fire. 

h. Where the second night was spent, and the kettle sunk 

in the pond. 
i*. Deer-trap in which Bradford was caught. 
j, "Plaine ground fit for the plow." 
k First mound opened, which proved to be a grave. 
/. Where they dug up the com, and found the kettle. 

ra. Where they saw the two canoes, and where the second 
Expedition landed. 

Where they found the old palisade. 

Where the first night of the second Expedition was 

Where the second night of the second Expedition was 

Where the eighteen who remained spent the third night. 

The place of graves on fc4 the plaine ground." 

The place of the two houses where they found the deer's 

Where the third Expedition passed the first night. 

The two " becks " that " one might stride over." 

Where they found the grampus on the sands ? 

Place of the palisade of graves " like a churchyard ? " 

" More corn ground " and houses ? 

Where the third Expedition passed the second night, 
and had the first encounter with the Indians. 




. " . 







(grampus bay) 

* « 




Great Meado 

^ - ■ -- . 

- - 

- ■ :, 



-- v.- 

* *■,-- ■ 

t .-. 

■ ■ .-: 


5 ■.--,-.'. 

-- - .--: 
' i 

'■•■- ■ ■ 

:-. ! - " 

--"; .: 


g. Where they built their signal fire. 

A. Where the second night was spent, and the kettle sunk 
in the f>ond, 

t. Deer-trap in which Bradford was caught. 

j. "Plaine ground lit for the plow." 

k First mound opened, which proved to be a grave. 

I. Where they dug up the corn, and found the kettle. 

m. Where they saw the two canoes, and where the second 
Expedition landed. 

H. Where they found the old palisade. 

o. Where the first night of the second Expedition was 

p. Where the second night of the second Expedition was 

<y. Where the eighteen who remained spent the third night, 
r. The place of graves on fc< the plaine ground." 

a. The place of the two houses where they found the deer's 

t Where the third Expedition passed the first night. 

u. The two " becks " that " one might stride over." 

v. Where they found the grampus on the sands ? 

w. Place of the palisade of graves " like a churchyard ? " 

a;. " More corn ground " and houses ? 

y. Where the third Expedition passed the second night, 
and had the first encounter with the Indians. 







* • 

Co *.-"' 





'5] IN AMERICA 41 

there 141 muft be fetched vp a fteepe hill: but to omit 
many reafons and replies vfed heere abouts ; It was in 
the ende concluded, to make fome difcovery within the 
Bay, but in no cafe fo farre as Angoum : befides, Robert 
Coppin our Pilot, 142 made relation of a great Navigable 
River I43 and good harbour in the other head-land of this 
Bay, 144 almoft right over againft Cape Cod, being a right 
[15 J line, not much aboue eight leagues diftant, 145 in 
which hee had beene once : and becaufe that one of the 

hi At Cornhill, or on old Tom's 
Hill. See note 73. 

J 4 2 Robert Coppin was one of the 
matter's mates of the Mayflower, and 
a pilot. He was pilot of the Plymouth 
expedition; but he is alfo called "our 
pilot " in this place, in a way to inti- 
mate that he was a pilot of the May- 
flower, as well. The word feems to 
have been then ufed in a larger fenfe 
than now — as intending not a mere 
local and temporary channel-guide, 
but a permanent officer of the fhip ; 
and, for adventurers to a compara- 
tively unknown land, a perfon who 
had made the pilgrimage himfelf, and 
fo could hold out the hope of ben- 
efit from his experience. Capt. John 
Smith puts down a pilot among the 
needful functionaries of a fhip, in his 
"Sea Grammer" (1627); and had 
one himfelf (Thomas Digby) in his at- 
tempt to reach New-England in 1615. 

It is my impreffion that Coppin was 
originally hired to go in the Speed- 
well ; that he was the " pilot " whofe 
"coming" was a "great incourage- 

ment" to the Leyden expectants in 
the laft of May or firft of June, 1620 ; 
that he failed with them in the Speed- 
well, but, on her final putting back, 
was transferred to the Mayflower, 
where Clarke (fee note 159) already 
was ; — Robert Cufhman having writ- 
ten to Leyden *j June, "We have 
another pilote here, one Mr Clarke, 
who went laft year to Virginia with a 
fhip of kine." — [3 Mafs. Hiji. Coll., 
vi. 134; Bradford, Plym. Plant., 49, 


'43 It is difficult to guefs what fug- 
gefted the idea of this " great naviga- 
ble river ; " and, from what is faid, 
fubfequently, it is doubtful if Coppin 
had ever been in Plymouth harbor. 

'44 The hights of Manomet, lying 
diredtly fouth of the entrance to Plym- 
outh harbor. 

14s It would be a little lefs than 25 
miles in an air line — one point fouth 
of due weft — from the anchorage of 
the Mayflower in Provincetown har- 
bor, to her anchorage in Plymouth 




wild men with whom they had fome trucking, ftole a 
harping Iron 146 from them, they called it theeuifh har- 
bour. And beyond that place they were enioyned not to 
goe, whereupon, a Company was chofen to goe out vppon 
a third difcovery: whileft fome were imployed in this 
difcovery, 147 it pleafed God that Miftris White was brought 
a bed of a Sonne, which was called Peregrine^ 

The fift day, we through Gods mercy efcaped a great 
danger by the foolifhnes of a Boy, one of Francis Bil- 

»4 6 " Harping-irons, a fort of Darts 
or Spears faftened to Lines, where- 
with they ftrike and catch Whales 
and other large Fifh." — [Bailey.'] 

■47 The fenfe here, beyond doubt) 
requires that the colon after " a third 
difcovery" fhould be a period, and 
the words " whileft fome " begin a 
new paragraph ; fo as to enable what 
follows to revert naturally back to the 
time taken by this fecond expedition 
to Cornhill, juft clofed, and not to that 
occupied by the "third difcovery" (of 
Plymouth), as it feems to do under 
the exifting punctuation. The mean- 
ing is, that while this party were ab- 
fent — between Monday, 2J pj , and 
Thurfday, ?°d° c v ;, — this little ftran- 
ger had been added to their company. 

148 Peregrine White — the firft child 
of New England, fo far as the Eng- 
lifh colonifts were concerned — was 
youngeft child of William, "wool- 
carder from England," and Sufanna 
(Fuller) ; who had been married J r 
Feb., 16", in Leyden, and who em- 
barked, with their fon Refolved and 

two men-fervants, in the Mayflower 
(fee note 27) ; was born (as above) be- 
tween * g£ and £ g- ; was brought 
up by Edward Winflow, who married 
his mother Sufanna, ** May, 162 1 
(his father having died J",**, 16*°); 
went to Marfhfield with Gov. Winf- 
low's family, after 1632 ; 1642, was 
enfign of Standifh's militia (lieutenant 
fome years later, and captain 1673); 
1648, married Sarah Baffett ; fettled 
on an eftate given him by his father- 
in-law, William Baffett, between 
North and South rivers, in Marfh- 
field; 1660 and 1673, was reprefenta- 
tive to the General Court, and, 1673, 
was of the Council of War ; had fix 
children, — Sarah, Daniel, Jonathan, 
Peregrine, Silvanus, and Mercy; died 
"of a fever" *° July, 1704, aged 
nearly 84, " vigorous and of a comely 
afpect to the laft." His homeftead is 
now owned by John A. White, — a 
defcendant of the fixth generation, — 
and is fituated a half mile eaft of Tel- 
egraph Hill, in the northern angle 
made by South River with the fhore, 




lingtons I49 Sonnes, who in his Fathers abfence, had got 
Gun-powder, and had fhot off a peice or two, and made 
fquibs, and there being a fowling peice charged in his 
fathers Cabbin, fhot her off in the Cabbin, there being a 
little barrell of powder halfe full, fcattered in and about the 
Cabbin, the fire being within foure foote of the bed be- 
tweene the Deckes, and many flints and -Iron things 
about the Cabbin, and many people about the fire, and 
yet by Gods mercy no harme done. 

Wednefday, the fixt of December, 150 it was refolved our 
difcoverers fhould fet forth, for the day before was too 
fowle weather, and fo they did, though it was well ore the 
day ere all things could be readie : So ten of our men 
were appointed who were of themfelues willing to vn- 
dertake it, to wit, Captaine Standijh, Maifter Carver?* 

and two and a half miles due N. of 
the late residence of Hon. Daniel 
Webfter. — [Savage's Gen. Did., iv. 
513-515; Thomas's Memorials of 
Marjhfield, 33, 34.] 

149 " One of Francis Billington's 
Sonnes" mould evidently be "Fran- 
cis, one of John Billington's fons." 
By reference to the lift of paflengers 
(note 27), it will be feen that the fa- 
ther's name was John, and that he 
had fons John and Francis, the latter 
of whom is doubtlefs here referred to. 
The father was not a fit member of 
the company (having joined them 
fomewhere in England), and was 
hanged in 1630 for the murder of 
John Newcomen. Francis married, 

1634, Chriftian, widow of Francis 
Eaton ; removed to Yarmouth before 
1648, and had eight children. — [Sav- 
age, Gen. Die!., i. 179.] 

150 Wednefday, f 6 Dec. 

151 John Carver firft appears at 
Leyden, ^ May, 161 6, as witnefs at 
the marriage of Hendrik Wilfon (al- 
though his wife had been a witnefs 
at the marriage of Roger Chandler 
there, * 2 j^, a e y , of the previous year) ; 
, 9 Dec, 1616, he was witnefs at the 
marriage of John Spooner ; *\ J^ h , 
1 61 7, he was witnefs at the marriage 
of John Jennings ; in the autumn of the 
fame year he was fent as one of the 
two agents to England to endeavor to 
fecure permiffion to found a colony; 




William Bradford, Edward Winjloe,^ Iohn Tilley, 153 
Edward Tilley, Iohn Houland,^ and three of Lon- 
don, Richard Warren,^ 5 Steeuen Hopkins, and Edward 

went again on the fame bufinefs in 
December following, when he was 
ftyled " Deacon"; 1620, went to South- 
ampton to make arrangements for the 
voyage of the Mayflower hither; there 
received a parting letter from John 
Robinfon, of date 27 July; was chofen 
governor when one was chofen for 
that year (fee note 28), and re-elected 
in March following ; died foon after 
I April, 1621, when he was fuddenly 
taken ill in the field. His wife's name 
was Catherine, and they left (probably 
had) no children. — [Bradford, Plym. 
Plant., 30-32, 59, 100, 447 ; N. E. 
Hift. and Gen. Reg., iv. 105-109 ; 
Ley den Mfs. Pec] 

'52 Edward Win/low was born at 
Droitwich, Eng., j| Oft., 1594; fell 
into the Leyden Company on a tour 
in Holland about 1617; *jj May, 1618, 
married there Elizabeth Barker of 
Chatfum (?); probably acted as a prin- 
ter with Brewfter there ; was one of 
four ligners of a letter of date * June, 

1620, to Carver and Cufhman ; I2 

7 } 22 

May, 1621, married Sufanna, widow 
of William White, and mother of Per- 
egrine ; was varioufly very ufeful in the 
colony, and governor, 1633 ; was fent 
to England many times ; was one of 
Cromwell's commiflioners controlling 
the naval expedition to Hifpaniola, 
and died 'g May, 1654, and was buried 
at fea. He had Edward and John, 
who died young ; 1629, Jofias (gover- 

nor of Plymouth Colony, 1 673-1 680); 
and Elizabeth. He lived at Caref- 
well, near the eftate of the late Hon. 
Daniel Webfter, in Marfhfield. — [JV. 
E. Hift. and Gen. Peg., xvii. 159; 
Leyden Mfs. Rec.~\ 

'S3 John Tilley (fee note 41). I 
find on the Leyden Mfs. Records this, 
" ** Feb., 161 5, John TVUey, filk work- 
er of Leyden, married Bridget Van 
der Velde "; which may be the hint 
of this man's occupation and affilia- 
tion. Bradford does not give his 
wife's Chriftian name. 

154 John Howland came over as 
one of John Carver's men-fervants, 
and had the narroweft efcape from 
drowning on the paffage ; married 
Elizabeth Tilley (fee note 41) proba- 
bly in 1 62 1 ; 1633-5, was Affiftant ; 
often a Reprefentative ; 1634, was in 
command of the Plymouth intereft on 
the Kennebec, when Hocking was 
killed ; died f^*; 167*. He had ten 
children. — [Savage's Gen. Die!., ii. 
479 ; N. E. Hift. and Gen. Reg., ix. 

155 Richard Warren came in the 
Mayflower ; his wife Elizabeth and 
five daughters followed him in 1623, 
two fons, Nathaniel and Jofeph, hav- 
ing come earlier. He was " an ufeful 
Instrument, and during his life bare a 
deep fhare in the Difficulties and 
Troubles of the firft Settlement of the 
Plantation," and died in 1628. — 

is] IN AMERICA 45 

Dotted and two of our Sea-men, Iohn Alderton IS7 and 
Thomas Englifh, ,s8 of the Ships Company there went 
two of the Matters Mates, Mafter Clarke IS9 and Mafter 
Copin, the Mafter Gunner, and three Saylers. The nar- 
ration of which Difcovery, followes, penned by one of 
the Company. 160 

Wednefday the fixt of December wee fet out, being 
very cold and hard weather, wee were a long while after 
we launched from the fliip, before we could get cleare of 
a fandie poynt, which lay within leffe then a furlong of the 
fame. 161 In which time, two were very ficke, and Edward 

[Savage's Gen. Did., iv. 427 ; Mor- 
ton's Memorial, 68.] 

■56 Edward Doten came as a ferv- 
ant of Stephen Hopkins ; *g June, 
1 62 1, was party to the firft duel fought 
in New England; 6 6 Jan., 1635, mar- 
ried, for fecond wife, Faith, daughter 
of Triftram Clark ; 1652, was one of 
the purchafers of Dartmouth, but re- 
moved to Yarmouth, and died, * 3 s ^p t s '> 
1655. Bradford fays he had feven 
children by his fecond wife living in 
1650 ; but his will mentions only wife 
and one fon. — [Savage's Gen. Did., 
ii. 61; Bradford, Plym. Plant., 455.] 

!57 John Allerton was hired by the 
company to come over as a failor, and 
was " to go back for the help of others 
behind," but " dyed here in the gen- 
erall ficknes." — [Bradford, Plymouth 
Plant., 449, 454-] 

158 Thomas Englijh had been hired 
alfo to come over to " goe mafter of 
the malop," but died as did Allerton. 

■59 Mafter Clarke. All that is known 
of this man is that he was a matter's 
mate, and pilot, of the Mayflower ; 
who had been to Virginia the year 
before. There is a tradition, men- 
tioned by Morton [Memorial, 21], 
which is very likely true, that he land- 
ed firft on Clarke's Ifland, in Plym- 
outh harbor, which was named after 
him ; there is another, lefs probable, 
that his name was Thomas ; and one, 
almoft furely falfe, that he fettled 
here, and died in 1697, aged 9S. — 
[Savage's Gen. Did., i. 400 ; Bradford, 
Plym. Plant., 55.] 

160 " One of the company," — either 
Bradford or Winflow ; Dr. Young 
thinks the former, and from various 
verbal correfpondencies between this 
narrative and Bradford's (now recov- 
ered) hiftory, I have no doubt he was 

161 The " fandie poynt " was necef- 
farily Long Point, juft infide of which 


Tilley had like [16] to haue founded 162 with cold; the 
Gunner was alfo ficke vnto Death, (but hope of truking 
made him to goe) and fo remained all that day, and the 
next night ; at length we got cleare of the fandy poynt, 
and got vp our fayles, and within an houre or two we got 
vnder the weather fhore, 163 and then had fmoother water 
and better fayling, but it was very cold, for the water 
frofe on our clothes, and made them many times like 
coats of Iron : wee fayled fixe or feaven leagues by the 
fhore, but faw neither river nor creeke, at length wee 
mett with a tongue of Land, 164 being flat off from the 
fhore, with a fandy poynt, we bore vp to gaine the poynt, 
& found there a fayre income or rode, of a Bay, being a 
league over at the narroweft, and fome two or three in 
length, but wee made right over to the land before vs, l6s 
and left the difcovery of this Income till the next day : as 
we drew neare to the fhore, wee efpied fome ten or twelue 

they lay at anchor. A north-eafter was It is about feventeen to twenty miles 

evidently blowing, and they could not from their anchorage to Billingfgate 

lie clofe enough into the wind to clear Point, — now cut off from the main 

this point with fails, and probably into an ifland, — which muft have been 

the wind and incoming tide together, the "fandy poynt" now made by them, 

made it hard for them to row their l6 s This " income," or bay, was the 

clumfy lhallop out around it. cul de fac of Wellfleet Bay. " The 

162 Swooned. land before us " was the eaftern fhore, 

163 Striking acrofs toward Truro, as and they probably landed and paffed 
they came near the land they would the night in what is now Eaftham, a 
gain fome protection from the rough- little north of Great Pond, and very 
nefs both of the wind and fea. near to the well-known Methodift 

164 The intenfe difcomfort which Camp-meeting ground, about three 
they experienced doubtlefs had its miles due W. from Naufet Light. — 
effect upon their eftimate of diftance. [Pratt's Hiftory of Eaftham, 6.] 

*6] IN AMERICA 47 

Indians, very bufie about a blacke thing, what it was we 
could not tell, till afterwards they faw vs, and ran to and 
fro, as if they had beene carrying fome thing away, wee 
landed a league or two from them, and had much adoe 
to put a fhore any where, it lay fo full of flat fands, 166 
when we came to fhore, we made vs a Baricado, 167 and got 
fire wood, and fet out our Sentinells, and betooke vs to 
our lodging, fuch as it was ; we faw the fmoke of the fire 
which the Savages made that night, about foure or hue 
myles from vs, in the morning 168 we devided our com- 
pany, fome eight in the Shallop, and the reft on the fhore 
went to difcouer this place, 169 but we found it onely to be 
a Bay, without either river or creeke comming into it, 
yet we deemed it to be as good an harbour as Cape Cod, 
for they that founded it, found a fhip might ride in hue 
fathom water, wee on the land found it to be a levill 
foyle, but none of the fruitfulleft ; wee faw two beckes of 
frefh water, 170 which were the firft running ftreames that 

166 " On the weft fhore is a fandy time, and then turned north toward 
flat reaching from Suet to the bounds Wellfleet ; but that theory does not 
of Wellfleet ; it is about one mile fo well comport with the probability 
wide, is bare, or nearly fo, at low as to their firft ftarting, nor does it 
water, and then, for about three hours, leave them where they evidently were 
may be traverfed by carriages." — at night. 

[Freeman's Cape Cod, ii. 353.] '7° "Beck, a fmall river, a brook." 

16 7 See note 78. — [Bailey.] Thefe two brooks were 

168 Thurfday, 7 Dec. found, apparently, as they were mov- 

16 9 That is, the " income " which ing northward from their camping- 
had attracted their intereft the night ground to inveftigate the fuitablenefs 
before, or Wellfleet Bay. Dr. Young of Wellfleet as a place of fettlement. 
thought they moved fouth for fome In which cafe, the firft would feem to 


we faw in the Country, but one might ftride over them : 
we found alfo a great fifh, called a Grampus dead on the 
fands, 1?1 they in the Shallop found two of them alfo in 
the bottome of the bay, dead in like fort, they were caft 
vp at high water, and could not get off for the froft and 
ice; they were fome [17] flue or fixe paces long, and 
about two inches thicke of fat, and flefhed like a Swine, 
they would haue yeelded a great deale of oyle, if there 
had beene time and meanes to haue taken it, fo we find- 
ing nothing for our turne, both we and our Shallop re- 
turned. We then directed our courfe along the Sea- 
fands, to the place where we firft faw the Indians, when 
we were there, we faw it was alfo a Grampus which they 
were cutting vp, they cut it into long rands 172 or peeces, 
about an ell in long, and two handfull broad, wee found 
here and there a peece fcattered by the way, as it feemed, 
for haft : this place the moft were minded we fhould call, 
the Grampus Bay, becaufe we found fo many of them 
there : wee followed the tract of the Indians bare feete a 
good way on the fands, at length we faw where they 

have been Indian Brook (or Hatch's this fp ec ies [Delphinus grampus] are 

Creek), now the boundary-line be- fometimes thrown aftiore on the Cape, 

tween Eaftham and Wellfleet; and twenty feet long, and having four 

the fecond feems more likely to have inches of blubber."— \Chron.ofPlym., 

been the next brook north of it, run- I5 2 -] 

ing in at Frefh-Brook Village, than "7 2 "Rand (of beef), a long flefhy 

any fouth of it, as Dr. Young fup- Piece cut from between the Flank 

pofed. — [Chron. of Plym., 152.] and the Buttock." — [Bailey.] 

171 Dr. Young fays, " Individuals of *73 Forty-five inches. 

*7] IN AMERICA 49 

ftrucke into the Woods by the fide of a Pond, 174 as wee 
went to view the place, one fayd, hee thought hee faw an 
Zndian-houte among the trees, fo went vp to fee : and 
here we and the Shallop loft fight one of another till 
night, it being now about nine or ten a clocke, fo we 
light on a path, but faw no houfe, and followed a great 
way into the woods, 175 at length wee found where Come 
had beene fet, but not that yeare, anone we found a 
great burying place, one part whereof was incompaffed 
with a large Palazado, like a Church-yard, with yong 
fpires Iy5 foure or fiue yards long, fet as clofe one by 
another as they could two or three foot in the ground, 
within it was full of Graues, fome bigger, and fome leffe, 
fome were alfo paled about, & others had like an Indian- 
houfe made over them, but not matted: thofe Graues 
were more fumptuous then thofe at Corne-hill, yet we 
digged none of them vp, but onely viewed them, and 
went our way; without the Palazado were graues alfo, 
but not fo coftly : from this place we went and found 
more Corne ground, but not of this yeare. As we 
ranged we light on foure or fiue Indian-honks, which 
had beene lately dwelt in, but they were vncovered, and 
had no matts about them, els they were like thofe we 
found at Corne-hill, but had not beene fo lately dwelt in, 

!74 Probably the party, having ex- juft north of which they had flept. 
plored Wellfleet to their fatisfattion, >75 Moft likely in the direction of 

had made their way back along the Enoch's Rock and Naufet light, 
fhore until they were near Great Pond; >7* Shoots, or young faplings. 



there was nothing left but two or three peeces of old 
matts, a little fedge, alfo a little further we [18] found 
two Baskets full of parched Acorns hid in the ground, 177 
which we fuppofed had beene Corne when we beganne to 
dig the fame, we caft earth thereon againe & went our 
way. All this while we faw no people, wee went ranging 
vp and downe till the Sunne began to draw low, and then 
we hafted out of the woods, that we might come to our 
Shallop, which when we were out of the woods, we efpied 
a great way off, and call'd them to come vnto vs, the 
which they did as foone as they could, for it was not yet 
high water, 178 they were exceeding glad to fee vs, (for 
they feared becaufe they had not feene vs in fo long a 
time) thinking we would haue kept by the fhorefide, fo 
being both weary and faint, for we had eaten nothing all 
that day, we fell to make our Randevous I79 and get fire 

177 " Akornes alfo they drie, and in '79 Bradford's reference (juft quot- 
cafe of want of Corne, by much boyl- ed) to a certain "creeke" gives the 
ing they make a good dim of them: clue to the pofition of their rendezvous 
yea fometimes in plentie of Corne doe this night. Morton [Memorial, 19, 
they eate thefe Acornes for a novel- marginal note] fuggefts Namfkeket 
ty." — [Roger Williams, R.-I. Hift. as the creek referred to. But Nam- 
Co//., i. 90.] fkeket (which divides Orleans from 

'78 Bradford fays, "When y e fune Brewfter) feems too far off; while to 

grue low, they hafted out of y« woods reach it they would have been obliged 

to meete with their ftiallop, to whom to ford or go round three intervening 

they made fignes to come to them creeks, fome allufion to which would 

into a creeke hardby, the which they have been almoft fure to have left 

did at highwater ; of which they were itfelf upon the record. The probabil- 

very glad, for they had not feen each ity is very ftrong, then, that Morton 

other all y' day, fince y e morning." — was miftaken, and that the firft creek 

[Hi/l. Plym. Plant., 84.] which they would come to in their 

i8] IN AMERICA 51 

wood, which always coft vs a great deale of labour/ 80 by 
that time we had done, & our Shallop come to vs, it was 
within night, and we fed vpon fuch viclualls as we had, 
and betooke vs to our reft, after we had fet out our watch. 
About midnight we heard a great and hideous cry, and 
our Sentinell called, Arme, Arme. So we beftirred our 
felues and fhot off a couple of Muskets, and noyfe ceafed ; 
we concluded, that it was a company of Wolues or Foxes, 
for one lSl told vs, hee had heard fuch a noyfe in New- 
found-land. About fiue a clocke in the morning 182 wee 
began to be ftirring, and two or three which doubted 
whether their Peeces would goe off or no made tryall 
of them, and fhot them off, but thought nothing at all, 
after Prayer we prepared our felues for brek-faft, and for 
a journey, and it being now the twilight in the morning, 
it was thought meet to carry the things downe to the 
Shallop : fome fayd, it was not beft to carry the Armour 
downe, others fayd, they would be readier, two or three 
fayd, they would not carry theirs, till they went them- 

coafting fouthweftwardly is that here lSl Dr. Young fuggefts either Clark 

referred to, viz., Great-Meadow Creek or Coppin as this informant, as both 

(or Herring River) in Eaftham, one had been on the coaft before. But 

mile N. N. E. of Rock Harbor. Bradford fays, " One of ye Jea men 

180 The trees were lofty, and the tould them he had often heard much 

undergrowth was annually burned by a noyfe in New-found land; " by which 

the Indians, fo that they doubtlefs he doubtlefs referred to one of the 

found it difficult to gather wood fait- "three faylers who accompanied the 

able for their fire without felling large party." (See p. 45). — [Hi/i. Plym. 

timber ; which, with their tools, would Plant., 84.] 

be a flow and difficult talk. l82 Friday, 8 8 Dec. 


felues, but miftrufting nothing at all : as it fell out, the 
water not being high enough, they layd the things 
downe vpon the fhore, & came vp to brek-faft. Anone, 
all vpon a fudden, we heard a great & ftrange cry, which 
we knew to be the fame voyces, though they varied their 
notes, 183 one of our company being abroad came run- 
ning in, and cryed, They are men, Indians, Indians; [19] 
and withall, their arrowes came flying amongft vs, our 
men ran out with all fpeed to recover their armes, as by 
the good Providence of God they did. In the meane time, 
our firft Captaine Miles Standifh, having a fnaphance l8+ ready, 
wiT the ma -de a fhot, and after him another, after they two had 
indiam. fhot, other two of vs were ready, 185 but he wifht vs not to 
fhoot, till we could take ayme, for we knew not what need 
we fliould haue, & there were foure only of vs, which had 
their armes there readie, and flood before the open fide of 
our Baricado, which was firft affaulted, they thought it 
beft to defend it, leaft the enemie fhould take it and our 
ftuffe, and fo haue the more vantage againft vs, our care 

18 3 Bradford fays, "A great & ftrange ing it off," like a cannon, with a 
crie, which they knew to be the fame match ; preceding by fome years the 
voyces they heard in ye night, though "flint-lock." It was invented by the 
they varied their notes ; " a verbal Dutch, and ftruck fire with a flint, 
identity indicating his authorfhip of but in a different, clumfier, and more 
this portion of this " Relation." — uncertain way than the flint-lock, 
[Hi/1. Plym. Plant., 85.] which was not introduced until Queen 

18 4 A fnaphance [Dutch, fnaflkaan, Elizabeth's time. 

"a fnap-lock"] appears to have been "85 That is, had lighted their gun- 
the refult of the firft rude contri- match from the fire, and fo made 
vance to fire a gun without " touch- ready for a difcharge. 

i9] IN AMERICA 53 

was no leffe for the Shallop, but we hoped all the reft 
would defend it; we called vnto them to know how it 
was with them, and they anfwered, Well, Well, every one, 
and be of good courage : wee heard three of their Peeces 
goe off, and the reft called for a fire-brand to light their 
matches, one l86 tooke a log out of the fire on his moul- 
der and went and carried it vnto them, which was thought 
did not a little difcourage our enemies. The cry of our 
enemies was dreadfull, efpecially, when our men ran out 
to recover their Armes, their note was after this manner, 
Woath woach ha ha hach woach : l8/ our men were no 
fooner come to their Armes, but the enemy was ready to 
affault them. 

There was a luftie man and no whit leffe valiant, who 
was thought to bee their Captaine, ftood behind a tree 
within halfe a musket fhot of vs, and there let his arrowes 
fly at vs ; hee was feene to fhoote three arrowes, which 
were all avoyded, for he at whom the firft arrow was 
aymed, faw it, and ftooped downe and it flew over him, 
the reft were avoyded alfo : he ftood three fhots of a 
Musket, at length one tooke as he fayd full ayme at 
him, after which he gaue an extraordinary cry and away 
they went all, 188 wee followed them about a quarter of a 

186 One of the four who were at the to write from memory ; but not near 
barricado. enough to warrant a plaufible guefs 

18 7 Of this Mr. Trumbull fays, "This at the meaning. As it ftands, there 
is probably as nearly like what the is no refpeftable Indian to be got out 
Indians actually faid, or fhouted, as a of it.'' — [Ms. letter.} 
badly-frightened man would be likely l88 Johnfon, in his Wonder-work- 




mile, but wee left fixe to keepe our Shallop, for we were 
carefull of our bufineffe : then wee fhouted all together 
two feverall times, and fhot off a couple of muskets and 
fo returned : this wee did that they might fee wee were 
not afrayd of them nor difcouraged. Thus it pleafed 
[20] God to vanquifh our Enemies l89 and giue vs deliv- 
erance, by their noyfe we could not gueffe that they 
were leffe then thirty or forty, though fome thought that 
they were many more yet in the darke of the morning, 

ing Providence, gives the following 
account of this tranfaction. He fays, 
" Now the Indians, whofe dwellings 
are moft neer the water-fide, appeared 
with their Bowes bent and Arrowes 
one the ftring, let fly their long fhafts 
among this little company, whom they 
might foon have inclofed, but the Lord 
otherwife difpofed of it, for one Cap- 
taine Miles Standifh having his fowl- 
ing-peece in a reddineffe, prefented 
full at them, his fhot being directed 
by the provident Hand of the moft 
high God, ftrook the ftouteft Sachem 
among them one the right arme, it 
being bent over his moulder to reach 
an Arrow forth his Quiver, as their 
manner is to draw them forth in fight, 
at this ftroke they all fled with great 
fwiftneffe through the Woods and 
Thickets, then the Englifh, who more 
thirfted after their converfion than 
destruction, returned to their Bote 
without receiving any damage." He 
gives no clue to his authority for this 
ftatement, except to hint his obliga- 

tion (poffibly) to this very " Relation," 
faying, he "purpofes not to fpeake par- 
ticularly, being prevented by the hon- 
oured Mr. Winflow, who was an eye- 
witneffe of the worke, &c." I think 
he got the fact of Standifh's prompt- 
nefs in firing from this narrative, and 
added fome vague tradition which had 
reached him as to its effect — which 
I difcredit. The extreme particular- 
ity of the narration here is manifeft 
(and Bradford is even more particular 
\Hift. Plym. Plant., 86], yet does not 
mention this) ; and fo important a 
circumftance as Johnfon relates, if it 
had actually taken place, could hardly 
have failed to have thruft itfelf into 
the record. — [See Johnfon, 2 Ma/s. 
Hiji. Coll., ii. 67.] 

l8 9 Samofet afterwards informed the 
Pilgrims that thefe were Naufet In- 
dians, and that their hoftility was oc- 
cafioned by the fact that "one Hunt" 
had previously deceived them, and 
ftolen fome of their tribe and fold 
them for flaves. 

*>] IN AMERICA 55 

wee could not fo well difcerne them among the trees, as 
they could fee vs by our fire fide, we took vp 18. of their 
arrowes which we haue fent to England by Mafter Tones, 
fome whereof were headed with braffe, others with Harts 
home, & others with Eagles clawes 190 many more no 
doubt were fhot, for thefe we found, were almoft covered 
with leaues : I91 yet by the efpeciall providence of God, 
none of them either hit or hurt vs, though many came 
clofe by vs, and on every fide of vs, and fome coates 
which hung vp in our Baricado, were fhot through and 
through. So after wee had given God thankes for our 
deliverance, wee tooke our Shallop and went on our 
Iourney, and called this place, The firjl Encounter, from 
hence we intended to haue fayled to the aforefayd theeuifh 
Harbour, 192 if wee found no convenient Harbour by the 

r 9° No mention is here made of to thefe words is to fuppofe that they 

what feem to have been the common- found the arrows which they picked up 

eft arrow-heads of the Indians, viz., had transfixed and ftrung many leaves 

flint; doubtlefs becaufe the Indians upon themfelves in their flight through 

on the Cape were not favorably fitu- the thick trees, where the dried leaves 

ated for procuring them. It was a Hill clung to the branches ; and hence 

great art to make them. — [See School- inferred that many more arrows had 

craft's Hijl. Indian Tribes, iii. 467.] been fhot, which the denfe thicket had 

Hutchinfon fays, " After the arrival of wholly intercepted. As they had found 

the Englifh, they made the heads of the fnow half a foot deep upon the 

their arrows of brafs, fattened them ground ten days before (fee p. 29), and 

to a fmall ftick fix or eight inches there had been no weather to remove 

long, formed to fix into the end of the it, there muft have been fnow on the 

pithy elder, which they bound round ground now, fo that the arrows could 

to ftrengthen it." — \HiJl. Mafs., i. not have bedded themfelves in leaves 

411.] as they fell. 

■91 The onlyfenfe which I can affix 19 2 Plymouth. See p. 42. 


way, having the wind good, we fayled all that day along 
the Coaft about 15. leagues, 193 but faw neither River nor 
Creeke to put into, after we had fayled an houre or two, 
it began to fnow and raine, and to be bad weather ; I94 
about the midft of the afternoone, the winde increafed 
and the Seas began to be very rough, and the hinges of 
the rudder broke, fo that we could fteere no longer with 
it, but two men with much adoe were faine to ferue with 
a couple of Oares, the Seas were growne fo great, that 
we were much troubled and in great danger, and night 
grew on : Anon Mafter Coppin bad vs be of good cheere 
he faw the Harbour, 195 as we drew neare, the gale being 
ftiffe, and we bearing great fayle to get in, fplit our Maft 
in 3. peices, and were like to haue caft away our Shallop, 
yet by Gods mercy recovering our felues, wee had the 
floud with vs, and ftruck into the Harbour. 

Now he that thought that had beene the place was 
deceived, it being a place where not any of vs had beene 
before, and comming into the Harbour, he that was our 

"93 They coafted along within fight went by that inlet without feeing it ; 

of the ftiore all the way, fo as to dif- making the fnow-ftorm, which was 

cover, if poffible, fome harbor, into not then "joyous but grievous," ftill 

which they might go. Thus coafting, a bleffing, in preventing them from 

from the place of their " firft encoun- fettling (as they might have done had 

ter" in Eaftham, to Manomet Bluff, they gone in there) in a much lefs 

which marks the fouthern fide of favorable place than Plymouth. 
Plymouth Bay, would be fifteen 195 He probably recognized Mano- 

leagues, good meafure. met looming through the ftorm, and 

194 This thick weather came on be- after paffing Manomet Point fleered 

fore they were off Barnftable, and they N. W. by Elifha's Point to fhoot in. 

H. J - '. ■ •'. ' 


. — \. 


«] IN AME%ICA 57 

Pilot did beare vp Northward, 196 which if we had contin- 
ued wee had [2 1 J beene caft away, yet ftill the Lord 
kept vs, and we bare vp for an Hand before vs, and 

"9* Bradford fays that Coppin and 
the firft mate (Clark) "would have 
run her afhore, in a cove full of break- 
ers, before ye wind. But a lufty fea- 
man which fleered, bad thofe which 
rowed, if they were men, about with 
her, or ells they were all caft away ; 
the which they did with fpeed. So 
he bid them be of good cheere & row 
luftly, for ther was a faire found be- 
fore them, & he doubted not but they 
mould find one place or other wher 
they might ride in faftie. And though 
it was very darke, and rained fore, 
yet in ye end they gott under ye lee 
of a fmalle iland, and remained there 
all yt night in faftie. But they knew 
not this to be an iland till morning, 
but were devided in their minds; fome 
would keepe y e boate for fear they 
might be amongft y e Indians ; others 
were fo weake and could, they could 
not endure, but got a fhore, & with 
much adoe got fire (all things being 
fo wett) and ye reft were glad to come 
to them ; for after midnight y e wind 
fhifted to the North-weft, & it frofe 
hard." — \Hift. Plym. Plant, 87.] 

It has always been considered, on 
the authority of Morton [N. E. Mem., 
21], that this " cove full of breakers " 
was the cove ftill exifting between 
Saquifh Point and Gurnet Head. 
But as Morton was miftaken as to 
Namfkaket he may have been in this ; 
and (with diffidence) I venture another 

theory. My objections to this cove 
are : (a) that approaching from the 
Sandwich fhore, after rounding Man- 
omet Point, they would have been 
moft likely (efpecially with the wind 
at the N. E., where it unqueftionably 
was) to have fleered in by Elifha's 
Point, W. N. W., almoft ftraight for 
the end of the beach — which would 
have carried them a mile and a half 
S. W. from the cove referred to ; (b) 
that the flood-tide (which they fay 
they had with them), with the gale, 
would have fwept them almoft inevita- 
bly over toward the other fide of the 
channel ; (c) that if they were running 
" before y e winde " into the cove, as 
Bradford fays, it muft have been a 
cove on the S. W. and not on the 
N. E. fide of the harbor-entrance ; 
(d) that, when they came about, "ther 
was a faire found before them," which 
would be exactly true if the cove 
were on the beach, and they came 
about with their head toward Clark's 
Ifland, but which would not be true 
(unlefs Brown's Ifland were then an 
ifland and not a fhoal, which is a 
mooted point) if the cove were eaft of 
Saquifh ; (e) that the fuppofition that 
they were over in a cove near the ex- 
tremity of the beach, and then bore up 
northward, exactly makes natural their 
ftatement of bearing up " for an Iland 
before vs" (Saquifh Point), and "re- 
covering of that Iland," i. e., getting 




recovering of that Hand,' 97 being compaffed about with 
many Rocks, and darke night growing upon vs, it pleafed 
the Divine providence that we fell vpon a place of fandy 
ground, where our Shallop did ride fafe and fecure all 
that night, and comming vpon a ftrange Hand I98 kept our 
watch all night in the raine vpon that Hand : and in the 

by Saquifh (a now obfolete fenfe of the 
word " recover," fee Webjler) , they 
" fell upon a place of fandy ground," 
&c, i. e., they ran along the fandy 
flat fldrting Clark's Ifland on the 
W. and S. 

If Morton had himfelf been prefent, 
or had received the ftatement from 
one who was prefent, his authority 
could only be impaired by the fuggef- 
tion that even perfons who are famil- 
iar with fuch localities are liable to 
make miftakes in regard to them in 
the denfe darknefs and driving rain 
of a winter's ftorm, — as many a fad 
fliipwreck has teftified. But he was 
not there, nor is it fure that he had 
his information from any one who was. 
It is quite as likely that — from this 
ftatement above, that the pilot "did 
beare vp north-ward," — he, from his 
knowledge of the bay, judged that that 
courfe would land them between the 
Gurnet and Saquifh, and fo fet it down; 
without confideration of wind, tide, or 
other modifying circumftances. If 
this " Relation " is not miftaken in this 
ftatement of the courfe which the pilot 
fleered, my theory may indeed be 
fhaken ; but I hold it to be by no 
means impoffible that Morton haftily 

judged, and that the courfe fleered 
here was mifapprehended in the dark- 
nefs and confufion; fo that I venture 
to think it poffible that the cove was 
fome indentation then exifting on the 
feaward fide of the beach, near its 

'97 The extremity of Saquifh, which 
would look like an ifland to them ; 
which may indeed have been an 
ifland at that time by the warn of the 
fea acrofs its low connecting beach. 

'9 s Clark's Ifland, named, Morton 
fays \N. E. Mem., 21], after the firft 
mate of the Mayflower, becaufe he 
firft ftepped afliore thereon. It con- 
tained, in 1687, 86j acres and 3 rods, 
and was anciently covered with red 
cedar, years ago fold in Bofton for 
gate-pofts. Five or fix»of thefe an- 
cient trees — the largeft perhaps 6 
feet in circumference, and 20 feet in 
hight — ftill ftand, in a gnarled and 
ftunted condition. There is a huge 
old rock on the ifland, called, for fome 
local reafon, " Election Rock." The 
ifland is ftill owned by the Watfon 
Family, who have been in pofleffion 
for many years. — [Thatcher's Hift. 
Plym., 331 ; Gale's Pilgrims' Firft 
Year in N. E., 100.] 




morning we marched about it, & found no Inhabitants at 
all, and here wee made our Randevous all that day, being 
Saturday, 1 " 10. of December, on the Sabboth day 200 wee 
refted, 201 and on Munday 202 we founded the Harbour, and 
found it a uery good Harbour for our fhipping, we 
marched alfo into the Land, and found divers corne 
fields, and little running brookes, 203 a place very good for 
fcituation, 204 fo we returned to our Ship againe with good 
newes to the reft of our people, which did much comfort 
their hearts. 203 

199 Saturday, ,' Dec. The Englifh 
printers, among their many errors in 
printing the Mfs. of this " Relation," 
changed the full flop which muft have 
been after Saturday here, to a comma; 
thus making an apparent error in 
date. It mould read, "being Satur- 
day. 10. of December, on the Sab- 
both day, wee refted," &c. ; making 
the 10th qualify Sunday rather than 

200 Sunday, '° Dec. 

201 The artifts have, fo far, over- 
looked this noble theme for a picture, 
■ — this Sabbath's reft of fuch a com- 
pany, in fuch a place, with fo many 
motives for hafte. 

202 Monday, \\ Dec. Forefa- 
thers' Day. 

2 °3 There were at leaft eight brooks 
running into the harbor which a re- 
connoiffance of five or fix miles along 
the fhore would have revealed to 
them ; viz., Eel River, running in in 
the inner angle made by the beach ; 

Wellingfly ; Town Brook, the copi- 
ous outlet of Billington Sea ; and five 
namelefs rivulets N. W. of this, to- 
ward Jones River. The Pilgrims 
feem to have had no idea of digging 
wells to fupply themfelves with water, 
but depended upon running ftreams. 

2 °4 Bradford fays it was " a place 
(as they fuppofed) fitt for fituation ; at 
leeft it was y e beft they could find, 
and y e feafon, & their prefent neceffi- 
tie, made them glad to accepte of it." 
— [Hi/l. Ply vi. Plant, 88.] This was 
written at leaft ten years after this 
date of landing, and is modified by 
Bradford's later experience, which 
compelled a fomewhat lefs cheerful 
view of the capabilities of the fpot 
than they feem to have taken at the 

2 °s No one fpecifies the exaft date 
of their return. As they muft, how- 
ever, have fpent the beft part of Mon- 
day in their explorations, and would 
not be likely to ftart at night, it feems 


On the fifteenth day, 206 we waighed Anchor, to goe to 
the place we had difcovered, and comming within two 
leagues of the Land, we could not fetch the Harbour, but 
were faine to put roome 2 " 7 againe towards Cape Cod, our 
courfe lying Weft ; and the wind was at North weft, but 
it pleafed God that the next day being Saturday the 16. 
day, the winde came faire, and wee put to Sea againe, 
and came fafely into a fafe Harbour ; and within halfe an 
houre the winde changed, fo as if we had beene letted 208 
but a little, we had gone backe to Cape Cod. This Har- 
bour is a Bay greater then Cape Cod, compaffed with a 
goodly Land, and in the Bay, 2. fine Hands vninhab- 
ited, 2 ° 9 wherein are nothing but wood, Okes, Pines, Wal- 
nut, Beech, Safifras, Vines, and other trees which wee 
know not ; This Bay is a moft hopefull place, innumera- 
ble ftore of fowle, and excellent good, and cannot but bee 
of fifh in their feafons : Skote, 2I ° Cod, Turbot, 211 and Her- 

probable that they failed on the morn- 207 Bradford probably wrote either 

ing of Tuefday \\ Dec, and as they " to put round" or " to get roome 

appear to have gone ftraight acrofs again towards Cape Cods" which the 

the bay, — a diftance of not more printers marred as it ftands. 

than twenty-fix miles, — they proba- 208 " Let, to hinder.'' — [Bailey.] 

bly reached the Mayflower before 209 Clark's Ifland and Saquifh, — if 

night of that day. They found that, the fea then flowed acrofs the neck' 

while they had been exploring the connecting it with Gurnet Head, as is 

Indian graves at Eaftham, on the not improbable. — [See note 197.] 

Thurfday previous, Mrs. Dorothy 210 This is, of courfe, a mifprint for 

Bradford, the wife of the hiftorian of Jkate, — the Raia batis, — which is 

the party, had found a watery grave edible, and which is ftill caught off 

by falling over the fhip's fide. — Plymouth. 

[Prince, 76.] 211 The fifh known as turbot (Rhom- 

206 Friday, ^ Dec. bus maximus) in England, is not found 




ring, 212 wee haue tafted of, abundance of Mufles the 
greateft & beft that ever we faw; Crabs and Lobfters, 
in their time infinite, It is in fafhion like a Cikle or 
Fifh-hooke. 213 

Munday the 1 3. day, we went a land, manned with the 
Maifter of the Ship, and 3. or 4. of the Saylers, we 
marched [22] along the coaft in the woods, fome 7. or 8. 
mile, 214 but faw not an Indian nor an Indian houfe, only 
we found where formerly, had beene fome Inhabitants, 
and where they had planted their corne : we found not 
any Navigable River, but 4. or 5. fmall running brookes 

in our waters. The flounder (Pla- 
tejfa plana) fomewhat refembles the 
turbot in general appearance, and, 
being a harbor fifh, it feems likelieft 
to have been that here referred to, 
and not the halibut (Hippogloffus 
vulgaris), which is only caught in 
deep water outfide, where the Pil- 
grims would have been lefs likely to 
fifh, fo long as they found an abun- 
dance nearer fhore. The New Eng- 
li/Ji Canaan does indeed fay, "there 
is a large fized fifh called Hallibut, or 
Turbut : fome are taken fo bigg that 
two men have much a doe to hale 
them into the boate, &c; " but it ftill 
feems to me more probable that our 
fathers, at their firft landing, fhould 
have called the flounder by this 
name. — {Force, n., v. 61.] 

212 The Clupea elongata, and Alofa 
vernalis, or alewive. Of the latter, 
800 barrels ufed to be taken in a fingle 

year from Town Brook in Plymouth, 
as they were on their way up to Bil- 
lington Sea, to fpawn. — [Thacher's 
Hijl. Plym., 321.] 

213 If the whole fweep of the bay, 
including the ftretch of the beach on 
one fide, and of the Gurnet on the 
other, is taken into the account, it is 
more like two fickles, or fifh-hooks. 

21 4 I conceive that they landed at 
the rock, and went toward Kingfton, 
although they could not have travelled 
more than five or fix miles, even with 
all their irregularity of progrefs, — 
back from the fhore and down again, 
— without coming to Jones's River. 
They would have been lefs likely, it 
feems to me, to go the other way — 
toward Manomet ; becaufe they could 
eafily fee that the harbor came to a 
fpeedy end on that fide, while the 
fhore of it ftretched out of fight in 
the oppofite direction. 


of very fweet frefh water, that all run into the Sea .• The 
Land for the cruft of the earth is a fpits depth, excellent 
blacke mold and fat in fome places, 2. or 3. great Oakes 
but not very thicke, Pines, Wal-nuts Beech 2IS Afh, Birch, 
Hafell, 216 Holley, Afp, 217 Safifras, in abundance, & Vines 
euery where, Cherry trees, 218 Plum-trees, 219 and many other 
which we know not ; many kinds of hearbes, we found 
heere in Winter, as Strawberry leaues innumerable, 
Sorrell, 220 Yarow, 221 Caruell, 222 Brook-lime, 223 Liver-wort, 224 
Water-creffes, 225 great ftore of Leekes, and Onyons, 226 and 
an excellent ftrong kind of Flaxe, and Hempe ; 227 here is 
fand, gravell, and excellent clay no better in the Worlde, 228 
excellent for pots, and will wafh like fope, and great ftore 
of ftone, though fomewhat foft, and the beft water that 

2i s Beech, the Fagus Sylvatica, a vum) f Prof. Tuckerman intimates 

clean, beautiful tree, though fcarcely [Coll. A?ner. Antiq. Soc, iv. 121] that 

fo long lived as many of its foreft com- the author is miftaken in including 

peers. It is faid that it is never ftruck " carvel " here, 

by lightning. 22 3 Veronica beccabunga. 

216 Corylus Americana. 22 4 Hepatica triloba. 

21 7 Probably the American afpen 22 5 Naflurtium palujlre, or Car- 
(Populus tremuliformis). damine hirfuta. — [Coll. Amer. Antiq. 

2 '8 Perhaps the northern red cherry Soc. iv. 172.] 

(Cera/us Pennfylvanica) may have 22l > Allium tricoccum, and Allium 

grown there ; the black cherry (Ce- Canadenfe. 

rafusferotina) and choke-cherry (Ce- 2 *7 Linum Virginianum, and per- 

rafus Virginiana) certainly did. haps Apocynum cannabinum. 

2I 9 Prunus maritima, and poffibly 22 & " There is in the center of the 

alfo Prunus Americana. farm [that of I. L. Hedge, Efq., in 

220 Rumex acetofella.—[Coll.Amer. Plymouth] ah immenfe mafs of clay, 

Antiq. Soc, iv. 172.] for the manufacture of brick, which is 

22 ' Achillea millefolium. conducted on a large fcale." — [Thach- 

222 Chervil ( Char ophy Hum fati- er's Hift. Ply •m. 313.] 

22] IN AMERICA 6 3 

ever we drunke, and the Brookes now begin to be full of 
fifh ; that night many being weary with marching, wee 
went abourd againe. 

The next morning being Tuefday the 19. of Decem- 
ber, wee went againe to difcover further ; fome went on 
Land, and fome in the Shallop, the Land we found as 
the former day we did, and we found a Creeke, and went 
vp three Englifh myles, a very pleafant river 229 at full 
Sea, a Barke of thirty tunne may goe vp, but at low water 
fcarce our Shallop could paffe : this place 23 ° we had a 
great liking to plant in, but that it was fo farre from our 
fifhing our principall profit, and fo incompaffed with 
woods, that we fliould bee in much danger of the Salvages, 
and our number being fo little, and fo much ground to 
cleare, fo as we thought good to quit and cleare 231 that 
place, till we were of more ftrength ; fome of vs hauing a 
good minde for fafety to plant in the greater He, 232 wee 
croffed the Bay which there is fiue or fixe myles ouer, 233 

2*9 Going "over the fame ground they g00 d to quit and not cleare that 

had travelled the day before, in part, p l aC e," &c. It feems to me more 

they came to Jones's River, which probable that they ufed the verb 

they could go up juft about " three « c i ea re " here in the not unknown 

myles," including all its windings; fenfe of "leaving," or "paffing over, or 

though at the end of the three miles away from;" as where Camillo fays — 

they would be fcarcely half that dif- ,,„ 

. , J . Your followers I will whifper to the bufmefs ; 

tance, m a ftraight line, from its mouth. And willj by twos and threeS; at feveral po(lemS] 

2 3° The village Of Kingfton occupies Clear them o' the city," &c. 

this territory. Winter's Tale, Act. I. Sc. ,. 

231 Dr. Young fuggefted that the 232 Clark's Ifland. 
word " not " was here omitted, mak- 233 it is juft five miles acrofs the 
ing the true text, " fo as we thought bay from the mouth of Jones's River 

6 4 NEW-ENGLAND l>3 

and found the He about a myle and a halfe, or two myles 
about, all wooded, and no frefh water but 2. or 3. pits, 
that we doubted of frefh water in Summer, and fo full of 
wood, [23] as we could hardly cleare fo much as to feme 
vs for Corne, befides wee iudged it colde for our Corne, 
and fome part very rockie, yet diuers thought of it as a 
place defenfible, and of great fecuritie. 

That night we returned againe a fhip boord, with refo- 
lution the next morning to fettle on fome of thofe places, 
fo in the morning, 234 after we had called on God for direc- 
tion, we came to this refolution, to goe prefently afhore 
againe, and to take a better view of two places, which 
wee thought moft fitting for vs, for we could not now 
take time for further fearch or confideration, our victuals 
being much fpent, efpecially, our Beere, and it being now 
the 1 9. of December. After our landing and viewing of 
the places, fo well as we could we came to a conclufion, 
by moft voyces, to fet on the maine Land, on the firft 
place, on an high ground, where there is a great deale of 
Land cleared, and hath beene planted with Corne three 
or four yeares agoe, and there is a very fweet brooke 
runnes vnder the hill fide, 235 and many delicate fprings of 
as good water as can be drunke, and where we may har- 
bour our Shallops and Boates exceeding well, and in this 

to the inner fhore of the Gurnet op- 235 This defcription indicates that 

pofite to it ; but it is fcarcely three and they pitched upon the high land below 

three-quarters miles to Clark's Ifland. Burial Hill, and juft N. W. of Town 

234 Wednefday, 2 ° Dec. Brook. 

2 4] IN AMERICA 65 

brooke much good fifh in their feafons : on the further 
fide of the river alfo much Corne ground cleared, in one 
field is a great hill, 236 on which wee poynt to make a plat- 
forme, and plant our Ordinance, which will command all 
round about, from thence we may fee into the Bay, and 
farre into the Sea, and we may fee thence Cape Cod: 237 
our greateft labour will be fetching of our wood, which is 
halfe a quarter of an Englifh myle, but there is enough 
fo farre off; what people inhabite here we yet know not, 
for as yet we haue feene none, fo there we made our 
Randevous, and a place for fome of our people about 
twentie, refolving in the morning to come all afhore, and to 
build houfes, but the next morning being Thurfday the 
2 1 . of December, it was ftormie and wett, that we could 
not goe afhore, and thofe that remained there all night 
could doe nothing, but were wet, not having dai-light 
enough to make them a fufficient court of gard, 238 to 
keepe them dry. All that night it blew and rayned ex- 
treamely; [24] it was fo tempeftuous, that the Shallop 
could not goe on land fo foone as was meet, for they had 
no victuals on land. About 11. a Clocke the Shallop 
went off with much adoe with provifion, but could not 

2 36 Burial Hill, 16; feet above the bor, and the neighborhood. — [Thach- 

fea level, and including about eight er's Hijl. Plym., 324.] 

acres. A rude fort was early built on 2 37 This is a common experience in 

the S. W. fummit, and in 1675, in a clear day. 

Philip's War, a ftrong ftockade was 2 38 Conr de garde, a guard-houfe ; 

erefted there. It commands a molt conveying the double idea of fhelter 

charming view of the town, the har- and fecurity. 



returne it blew fo ftrong, and was fuch foule weather, that 
we were forced to let fall our Anchor, and ride with 
three Anchors an head. 239 

Friday the 22. the ftorme ftill continued, that we could 
not get a-land, nor they come to vs aboord : this morning 
Good wife Alderton 2 * was delivered of a fonne, but dead 

Saturday the 23. fo many of vs as could, went on fhore, 
felled and carried tymber, to provide themfelues ftuffe for 

Sunday the 24. our people on fhore heard a cry of 
fome Savages (as they thought) which caufed an Alarm, 
and to ftand on their gard, expecting an affault, but all 
was quiet. 241 

Munday the 25. day, we went on fhore, fome to fell 
tymber, fome to faw, fome to riue, and fome to carry, fo 
no man refted all that day, 242 but towards night fome as 
they were at worke, heard a noyfe of fome Indians, which 

2 39 To add to the gloom of the The man intended is obvioufly Solo- 
ftorm, on this day dies Richard Brit- mon Prower (fee note 27, No. 9), fer- 
teridge (fee note 27, No. 34), the firft vant of Mr. Chriftopher Martin, whom 
of the company whom they bury at Bradford, in his pocket-book note, on 
Plymouth. — [Prince (on authority of which Prince relied, by an inadver- 
Bradford's pocket-book), Annals, pt. tence eafy under the circumftances, 
i. 80.] called by his matter's name.— [Prince, 

240 Mary, wife of Ifaac Allerton. Annals, i. 80.] 

(See note 27, No. 5.) h* "And ye 25. day begane to eredte 
2 4> Prince fays, " This day (Lord's y e firft houfe for commone ufe to re- 
day, 24 j a e n c ) dies Solomon Martin, the ceive them and their goods." — [Brad- 
fixth and laft who dies this month." ford, Hift. Plym. Plant., 88.] 

24] IN AMERICA 67 

caufed vs all to goe to our Muskets, but we heard no 
further, fo we came aboord againe, and left fome twentie 
to keepe the court of gard ; that night we had a fore 
ftorme of winde and rayne. 

Munday the 25. being Chriftmas day, we began to 
drinke water aboord, but at night the Mafter caufed vs 
to haue fome Beere, 243 and fo on boord we had diverfe 
times now and then fome Beere, but on fhore none at all. 

Tuefday the 26. it was foule weather, that we could 
not goe afhore. 

Wednefday the 27. we went to worke againe. 

Thurfday the 28. of December, fo many as could went 
to worke on the hill, where we purpofed to build our 
platforme for our Ordinance, and which doth command 
all the plaine, and the Bay, and from whence we may fee 
farre into the fea, and might be eafier impayled, having 
two rowes of houfes and a faire ftreete. 244 So in the after- 
noone we went to meafure out the grounds, and firft, we 

243 The ftock was getting low, and on the fummit of which they intended 
neceffitating fcant allowance. by and by to build their " platforme 

244 Dr. Young thought fomething for ordinance,'' and that they proceed- 
was omitted here. But he took their ed to lay out on that flope the firft 
language as implying that they now ftreet, and the firft lots, and to affign 
commenced to build their ftockade them to families and groups ; this 
on the fummit of Burial Hill, and fo need being more preffmg than the 
could not connedt the " two rowes of other. The common houfe was now 
houfes and a faire ftreete " with that, (rudely) complete, as their temporary 
It feems to me, however, that their fhelter (with the fhip) while building 
language only implies that they com- their feveral dwellings, and the time 
menced work on the flope of the hill, had come for the latter work. 


tooke notice how many [25] Families they were, willing 
all fingle men that had no wiues to ioyne with fome 
Familie, as they thought fit, that fo we might build fewer 
houfes, which was done, and we reduced them to 19. 
Families ; 24S to greater Families we allotted larger plots, 
to every perfon halfe a pole in breadth, and three in 
length, 246 and fo Lots were caft where euery man fhould 
lie, which was done, and ftaked out ; we thought this 
proportion was large enough at the firft, for houfes and 
gardens, to impale them round, 247 confidering the weak- 
nes of our people, many of them growing ill with coldes, 
for our former Difcoveries in froft and ftormes, and the 
wading at Cape Cod had brought much weakenes amongft 
vs, which increafed fo every day more and more, and 
after was the caufe of many of their deaths. 

Fryday and Saturday, 248 we fitted our felues for our 
labour, but our people on fhore were much troubled and 
difcouraged with rayne and wett that day, being very 
ftormie and cold ; we faw great fmokes of fire 249 made by 

24s When they reached Cape Cod, =47 Thefe grounds were meafured 

there were eighteen husbands and out on the north and fouth fides of 

wives in the company — befides four what is now Leyden Street. The firft 

fathers, each with one or more fons ; volume of the Plymouth Records of 

as the bans of this claffification into Deeds contains, in Gov. Bradford's 

families. handwriting, a rude plot of this ftreet, 

246 This would give to fuch a family with the names of feven of thofe whofe 

as Carver's (numbering eight) a plot lots fell on the fouth fide. 


an. ) 

of 66 feet front, by 491 feet in depth. *& Friday, *\ f£, Saturday, 3 ° J 

Each perfon was to have (8| feet by i6 2 °. 

49J feet) 408^ fquare feet. =49 In the direction of Duxbury, on 

2 5] IN AMERICA 6 9 

the Indians about fix or feaven myles from vs as we con- 
iec~iured. 25 ° 

Munday the firft of January, we went betimes to 
worke, we were much hindred in lying fo farre off from 
the Land, and faine to goe as the tyde ferved, that we 
loft much time, for our Ship drew fo much water, 251 that 
fhe lay a myle and almoft a halfe off, though a fliip of 
feaventie or eightie tun at high water may come to the 
fhore. 2S3 

the north, or of Telegraph Hill, on 
the fouth, as they could fcarcely fee 
that diftance direftly inland. As the 
Indians finally approached from the 
fouth, it is perhaps more probable 
that they were now lurking in that 

2 s° Baylies fays [Memoir of Plym. 
Col., i. 61] that on the next day (Sab- 
bath, Hf£ i6 2 °) "they named their 
fettlement Plymouth, becaufe this 
place had been fo called by Capt. 
Smith, who had previoufly furveyed 
the harbor ; and they remembered 
the kindnefs which they had experi- 
enced from the people of Plymouth 
in England." But he gives no au- 
thority for this ftatement. Mr. Pal- 
frey \Hift. Nc-m Eng., i. 172] difcuffes, 
at fome length, the date of the affign- 
ment of this name, and evidently feels 
that it is wholly a matter of conjecture. 

2 5i The Mayflower was of 180 tons. 
Bradford fays, " Of burden about 9 
fcore." — \Hift. Plym. Plant, 58.] 
If the harbor were then at all as now, 
or as it has been for the laft hundred 

years, fhe probably lay at anchor in 
the channel juft infide the end of the 
beach. Dr. Young, in fuggefting that 
fhe lay in the " Cow Yard," disregard- 
ed this faft of her diftance from the 
landing ; his fuppofition would nearly 
or quite double the " myle and almoft 
a halfe " of which they fpeak — if we 
fuppofe them to take the landing-rock 
as their point of departure. 

252 Prince fays [N. E. Chron. pt. ii. 
96], " The year begins with the death 
of Degory Priejl" (See note 27, No. 
29.) Prieft is fet down in the Leyden 
Records as "from London," and had 
been many years a member of the 
Leyden company. It is on record, 
that, 4 Nov., 161 1, he married Sarah 
(Allerton) Vincent, widow of John Vin- 
cent ; 26 Nov., 1615, he was admitted 
a citizen of Leyden ; and, in April, 
1619, he (calling himfelf "a hatter") 
depofes that he is forty years of age, 
and knows one Nicolas Claverly. 
This would make him from forty-one 
to forty-two when he died.- — [Leyden 
Mfs. Records.'] 


Wednefday the third of January, fome of our people 
being abroad, to get and gather thatch, they faw great 
fires of the Indians, and were at their Corne fields, yet 
faw none of the Savages, nor had feene any of them fince 
wee came to this Bay. 

Thurfday the fourth of January, Captaine Miles Stan- 
di/71 with foure or fiue more, went to fee if they could 
meet with any of the Savages in that place where the 
fires were made, they went to fome of their houfes, but 
not lately inhabited, yet could they not meete with any ; 
as they came home, they fhot at an Eagle and killed her, 
which was excellent meat ; It was hardly to be difcerned 
from Mutton. 253 [26] 

Fryday the fifth of January, one of the Saylers found 
aliue vpon the fhore an Hering, which the Mafter had to 
his fupper, which put vs in hope of filh, but as yet we 
had got but one Cod ; we wanted fmall hookes. 254 

Saturday the fixt of January, Mafter Marten*™ was 
very ficke, and to our iudgement, no hope of life, fo Mafter 
Carver was fent for to come abourd to fpeake with him 
about his accompts, who came the next morning. 

253 It was fome time fince thefe had been fele&ed with Carver and 
poor men had tafted mutton ! Cufhman " to make y<= provisions for 

254 To this fingle circumftance much ye vioage," being chofen to reprefent 
of their difcomfort in regard to food the new Englifh members of the corn- 
was due. pany, " not fo much for any great need 

255 Chriftopher Martin (fee note 27, of their help, as to avoyd all fuffpition 
No. 9) was from Billericay, in Effex, or jelofie of any partiallitie." Hence 
joining the company in England. He his defire to confer with Carver in 

26] IN JME^ICA 71 

Munday the eight day of January, was a very fayre 
day, and we went betimes to worke, mafter Jones fent 
the Shallop as he had formerly done, to fee where fifh 
could be got, they had a greate ftorme at Sea, and were 
in fome danger, at night they returned with three greate 
Seales, 256 and an excellent good Cod, which did affure vs 
that we mould haue plentie of fifli fhortly. 

This day, Francis Billington, having the weeke before 
feene from the top of a tree on an hie hill, a great fea as 
he thought, went with one of the Mafters mates to fee it, 
they went three myles, and then came to a great water, 
devided into two great Lakes, the bigger of them hue or 
fixe myles in circuit, and in it an He of a Cable length 
fquare, the other three miles in compaffe ; 257 in their efti- 
mation they are fine frefh water, full of fifh, and foule ; a 
brooke 258 iffues from it, it will be an excellent helpe for 
vs in time. They found feaven or eight Indian houfes, 
but not lately inhabited, when they faw the houfes they 
were in fome feare, for they were but two perfons and 
one peece. 

Tuefday the 9. Ianuary, was a reafonable faire day, 

reference to "his accompts." He defcription in every particular but that 

died on the Monday following, 8 8 Jan., of diftance ; but its difcoverers doubt- 

i6 2 °. — [Bradford, Plym. Plant., 56; lefs traveled three miles through the 

Prince, N. E. Chron., pt. ii. 96.] foreft before they reached it. It is 

2 56 A feal is not an uncommon fight fcarcely two miles S. W. from the 

at this day along the Old Colony town, 

ftiores. 258 Town Brook, on whofe northern 

*57 Billington Sea anfwers to this bank they were fettling. 


and wee went to labour that day in the building of our 
Towne, in two rowes of houfes for more fafety : we de- 
vided by lott the plot of ground whereon to build our 
Towne : After the proportion formerly allotted, 259 wee 
agreed that every man mould build his owne houfe, 
thinking by that courfe, men would make more haft then 
working in common : the common houfe, in which for 
the firft, we made our Rendevous, 260 being neere finifhed 
wanted onely couering, it being about 20. foote fquare, 
fome fhould make morter, and [27] fome gather thatch, 
fo that in foure days halfe of it was thatched, froft and 
foule weather hindred vs much, this time of the yeare 
feldome could wee worke halfe the weeke. 261 

Thurfday the eleuenth, William Bradford 2 ^ being at 
worke, (for it was a faire day) was vehemently taken with 
a griefe and paine, and fo fhot to his huckle-bone; 263 It 
was doubted that he would haue inftantly dyed, hee got 

259 See note 246. rainy days, the winter was doubtlefs 

260 This flood partly on the lot of more favorable than the average to 
late years occupied by the houfe of their work. A paffage in Winflow's 
Capt. Samuel D. Holmes, on the fouth letter (near the clofe of this volume — 
fide of Leyden Street, near the de- p. 62 of the original paging) corrobo- 
clivity of the hill toward the water rates that theory. 

fide. — [Ruffell's Pilgrim Memorials, 2&2 The abfence of the preliminary 

55.J " Mr." from this name here (a title 

261 Gov. Dudley, in his letter to the which they were fcrupulous to beftow 
Countefs of Lincoln (of date \\ March, upon thofe who were entitled to it, by 
1 6?°), fays the Plymouth fettlers had their cuftom) is a ftrong hint that 
" the favour of a calme winter fuch as Bradford washimfelf the modeft pen- 
was never feen here fince." — {Force, man of this part of this narrative. 

11., iv. 7.] Although they had many 2 &3 Hip-bone. 


colde in the former difcoveries, efpecially the laft, and 
felt fome paine in his anckles by times, but he grew a 
little better towards night and in time through Gods 
mercie in the vfe of meanes recovered. 

Friday the 12. we went to worke, but about noone, it 
began to raine, that it forced vs to giue over worke. 

This day, two of our people put vs in great forrow and 
care, there was 4. fent to gather and cut thatch in the 
morning, and two of them, Iohn Goodman 2 ^ and Peter 
Browne^ having cut thatch 2b6 all the fore-noone, went to 

2<i 4 John Good?nan (note 27, No. 28) 
had a fhare in the firft divifion of land, 
and had the firft lot eaft of Elder 
Brewfter, but died "in the general 
ficknes," before the end of March. 
— [Plym. Col. Pec, xii. 3 ; Prince, 
N. E. Chron., pt. ii. 86 ; Bradford, 
Hijl. Plym. Plant., 454.] 

2<i 5 Peter Browne (note 27, No. 33) 
was brother of John, of Duxbury, and 
himfelf fettled there. He married 
twice. His firft wife's name appears 
to have been Martha ; his fecond's 
certainly was Mary. He was " amerced 
in 3J. fine '' for not appearing at court 
l z Jan., 163*, and the fame fum next 
day for the fame offence ; Jan. , 7 , 163* 
a difpute between him and Dr. Ful- 
ler, in their accounts, was referred to 
the arbitration of Robert Hicks and 
Francis Cooke ; 25 March, 1633, he 
was taxed i8j., — the higheft tax being 
that of Ifaac Allerton, £5 1 ij-., and 
the loweft gs. He died in October, 
1633, leaving an eftate of ^100. His 

widow Mary adminiftered, and was 
ordered by the court to pay over, in 
truft, for the ufe of Mary and Prifcilla, 
his firft wife's children, ^15 each ; 
they being bound out, the one to Mr. 
John Done for nine years, the other 
to Mr. Will. Gilfon for twelve years. 
There were two children by the fec- 
ond wife. William Brewfter became 
the widow's furety. It is my impref- 
fion that Mary married Eph. Tink- 
ham of Middleborough ; and Prifcilla, 
William Allin of Sandwich. — [Plym. 
Col. Pec, i. 5, 7, 8, 10, 18; xii. 146, 

266 « Thatch, Straw, Reeds, &c. for 
covering Houfes." — [Bailey.] The 
coarfe grafs and flags which they 
could reap with their fickles by the 
fides of the brooks, and on the mead- 
ows bordering the ponds, were what 
they feem now to have been in purfuit 
of, for roofing their new houfes after 
the fafhion ftill exifting in the rude 
Englifh cottages. 


a further place, and willed the other two, to binde vp 
that which was cut and to follow them ; fo they did, 
being about a myle and a halfe from our Plantation : but 
when the two came after, they could not finde them, nor 
heare any thing of them at all, though they hallowed 
and fhouted as loud as they could, fo they returned to 
the Company and told them of it: whereupon Mafter 
Leaver* 1 & three or foure more went to feeke them, but 
could heare nothing of them, fo they returning, fent more, 
but that night they could heare nothing at all of them ; 
the next day they armed 10. or 12. men out, verily think- 
ing the Indians had furprifed them, they went feeking 7. 
or 8. myles, but could neither fee nor heare any thing at 
all, fo they returned with much difcomfort to vs all. 
Thefe two that were miffed, at dinner time tooke their 
meate in their hands, and would goe walke and refrefh 
themfelues, fo going a litle off they finde a lake of 
water, 268 and having a great Maftiffe bitch with them and 
a Spannell ; by the water fide they found a great Deere, 

26 7 An obvious mifprint for " Car- Lout Pond, which is a fmall lake per- 
ver," though Prince indorfes it as it haps a quarter of a mile in length, a 
ftands. — {N. E. Chron. , pt. ii. 97.] little E. of Billington Sea, feems to 

268 Dr. Young fuppofed this to be me belt to fulfill the conditions of the 
Murdock's Pond. But Murdock's narrative here. If they had been fol- 
Pond could not have been more than lowing up Town Brook a mile and a 
one hundred rods W. of their com- half, cutting thatch along its banks, 
mon houfe ; while the two men were they would be not more than half a 
" about a myle and a halfe from the mile from this pond, and might very 
Plantation" before they began to wan- naturally ftroll over through the open 
der further ; fo that Dr. Young's fup- woods towards it, as fuggefted, while 
pofition is neceflarily inadmiffible. eating their dinners. 

28] IN AMERICA 75 

the Dogs chafed him, and they followed fo farre as they 
loft themfelues, and could not finde the way backe, they 
wandred [28] all that after-noone being wett, and at 
night it did freeze and fnow, they were flenderly appar- 
elled and had no weapons but each one his Cicle, 269 nor 
any victuals, they ranged vp and downe and could finde 
none of the Salvages habitations ; when it drew to night 
they were much perplexed, for they could finde neither 
harbour nor meate, but in froft and fnow, were forced to 
make the earth their bed, and the Element their cover- 
ing, and another thing did very much terrifie them, they 
heard as they thought two Lyons 27 ° roaring exceedingly 
for a long time together, and a third, that they thought 
was very nere them, fo not knowing what to do, they 
refolved to climbe vp into a tree as their fafeft refuge, 
though that would proue an intolerable colde lodging ; 
fo they ftoode at the trees roote, that when the Lyons 
came they might take their opportunitie of climbing vp, 
the bitch they were faine to hold by the necke, for fhee 
would haue beene gone to the Lyon ; but it pleafed God 
fo to difpofe, that the wilde Beaftes came not: fo they 
walked vp and downe vnder the Tree all night, it was an 
extreame colde night, fo foone as it was light 271 they 
trauailed againe, paffing by many lakes and brookes and 

269 with which to cut thatch. novel a found to thefe old-country 

270 Beyond doubt thefe were wolves, fettlers' ears as the roaring of lions 
which then haunted the Old-Colony would have been. 

woods, and whofe howling was as 271 Saturday, *| Jan., i6 2 °. 


woods, and in one place where the Salvages had burnt 
the fpace of 5. myles in length, which is a fine Champion 
Countrey, and even. 27 ' In the after-noone, it pleafed God 
from an high Hill 273 they difcovered the two lies in the 
Bay, 274 and fo that night got to the Plantation, being 
ready to faint with travaile and want of victuals, and 
almoft famifhed with colde, John Goodman was faine to 
haue his fhooes cut off his feete they were fo fwelled with 
colde, and it was a long while after ere he was able to 
goe ; thofe on the more were much comforted at their 
returne, but they on fhip-boord were grieved as deeming 
them loft; but the next day being the 14. of Ianuary, 275 in 
the morning about fixe of the clocke the winde being 
very great, they on fhip-boord fpied their great new Ran- 
devous on fire, which was to them a new difcomfort, fear- 
ing becaufe of the fuppofed loffe of the men, that the 
Salvages had fiered them, neither could they prefently goe 
to them for want of water, but af- [29] ter 3. quarters of 
an houre they went, as they had purpofed the day before 
to keepe the Sabboth on fhore, becaufe now there was 
the greater number of people. At their landing they 
heard good tidings of the returne of the 2. men, and that 

272 This very accurately defcribes 2 74 See note 209. 

the chara&eriftics of the country for =75 They had intended this to be 

feveral miles around Great South the date of their firft fervice on fhore ; 

Pond as a center, four or five miles but the alarm of this fire, and the fear 

S. of Plymouth Rock. on board fhip that it was due to the 

2 73 Pinnacle Hill, juft W. of South favages, prevented, and poftponed it 
Pond ? until the next Sabbath. 

29] IN AMERICA 77 

the houfe was fiered occasionally 27& by a fparke that flew 
into the thatch, which inftantly burnt it all vp, but the 
roofe flood and little hurt ; 277 the moft loffe was Maifter 
Carvers and William Bradfords, who then lay ficke in 
bed, and if they had not rifen with good fpeede, had been 
blowne vp with powder : but through Gods mercy they 
had no harme, the houfe was as full of beds as they 
could lie one by another, and their Muskets charged, but 
bleffed be God there was no harme done. 

Munday the 15. day, it rayned much all day, that they 
on fhip-boord could not goe on fhore, nor they on fhore 
doe any labour but were all wet. 

Tuefday, wednefday, thurfday, were very faire Sun- 
fhinie dayes, as if it had beene in Aprill, and our people 
fo many as were in health wrought chearefully. 

The 19. day, 278 we refolved to make a Shed, to put our 
common provifion in, of which fome were alreadie fet on 
fhore, but at noone it rayned, that we could not worke. 
This day in the evening, Iohn Goodman went abroad to 
vfe his lame feete, that were pittifully ill with the cold he 
had got, having a little Spannell with him, a little way 
from the Plantation, two great Wolues ran after the Dog, 
the Dog ran to him and betwixt his leggs for fuccour, he 
had nothing in his hand but tooke vp a fticke, and threw 
at one of them and hit him, and they prefently ran both 

276 " Cafually, accidentally." — \_Bai- work of the roof, fupporting the 
ley.] thatch. 

2 77 That is, the rafters and frame- 2 7 s Friday, ^ Jan., 16^°. 


away, but came againe, he got a paile bord 279 in his 
hand, and they fat both on their tayles, grinning at him, 
a good while, and went their way, and left him. 
Saturday 20. we made vp our Shed for our common 

Sunday the 21. we kept our meeting on Land. 280 

Munday the 22. was a faire day, we wrought on our 
houfes, and in the after-noone carried vp our hogsheads 
of meale to our common ftore-houfe [30]. 

The reft of the weeke we followed our bufineffe likewife. 

Munday the 29. 2Sl in the morning cold froft and fleete, 
but after reafonable fayre ; both the long Boate and the 
Shallop brought our common goods on fhore. 

Tuefday and wednefday 30. and 3 1, of January, cold 
frofty weather and fleete, that we could not worke : in 
the morning the Mafter and others faw two Savages, 
that had beene on the Hand nere our Ship, what they 
came for wee could not tell, they were going fo farre 
backe againe before they were defcried, that we could 
not fpeake with them. 

279 " Pale-board, — fet up for par- kept Sabbath there, without joining 
titions in gardens, grounds &c, a pile the majority in their fervice in the 
or ftake, &c." — [Bailey.'] fliip. Now, as the majority were on 

280 Sabbath, 2 J Jan., 16 20 ; the date more, Elder Brewfter undoubtedly 
of the firft Sabbath-keeping in the held their fervice there for the firft 
common houfe on more. All that time. 

Prince implies by his ftatement [JV. 2Sl 29 jFeb.> dies R°f e > the wife of 

E. Chron., pt. i. 80] is, that on Sab- Captain Standifh. — [Prince, N. E. 

bath, 11 P^j ', thofe who were on more Chron., pt. ii. 97.] 

3°] IN AMERICA 79 

Sunday the 4. of February, was very wett and rainie, 
with the greateft gufts of winde that ever we had fince 
wee came forth, that though we rid in a very good har- 
bour, yet we were in danger, becaufe our Ship was light, 
the goods taken out, and fhe vnballafed ; and it caufed 
much daubing of our houfes to fall downe. 282 

Fryday the 9. ftill the cold weather continued, that wee 
could doe little worke. That after-noone our little houfe 
for our ficke people 283 was fet on fire by a fparke that 
kindled in the roofe, but no great harme was done. That 
evening the mafter 284 going afhore, killed fiue Geefe, 
which he friendly diftributed among the ficke people ; he 
found alfo a good Deere killed, the Savages had cut off 
the homes, and a Wolfe was eating of him, how he 
came there we could not conceiue. 

Friday the 16. day, was a faire day, but the northerly 
wind continued, which continued the froft, this day after- 
noone one of our people being a fouling, and having 
taken a ftand by a creeke fide in the Reeds, about a myle 
and an halfe from our Plantation, there came by him 
twelue Indians, marching towards our Plantation, & in 
the woods he heard the noyfe of many more, he lay 
clofe till they were paffed, and then with what fpeed he 

282 The cracks between the logs of had been finifhed, they had com- 
their houfes were " daubed " with clay menced work on other fhelters, of 
mortar, which the driving ftorm foft- which one, it feems, had been appro- 
ened and diflodged. priated as a hofpital. 

28 3 As foon as the common houfe 28 4 Capt. Jones, of the Mayflower. 


could he went home & gaue the Alarm, fo the people 
abroad in the woods returned & armed themfelues, but 
faw none of them, onely toward the euening they made 
a great fire, about the place where they were firft dis- 
covered : Captaine Miles Standifh, and Francis Cooke** 
being at worke in the Woods, comming home, left their 
[31] tooles behind them, but before they returned, their 
tooles were taken away by the Savages. This comming 
of the Savages gaue vs occafion to keepe more ftricl 
watch, and to make our peeces and furniture readie, 
which by the moyfture and rayne were out of temper. 

Saturday the 1 7 day, in the morning we called a meet- 
ing for the eftablifhing of military Orders amongft our 
felues, and we chofe Miles Standifh our Captaine, and 
gaue him authoritie of command in affayres : and as we 

28s Francis Cooke (note 27, No. 17) forth the heigh wayes ; " * 3 Jan., 163^ 

brought with him only his fon John, was on a jury for trial of Edward 

His wife Efther, and children Jacob, Shaw and Mark Mendloue for " fel- 

Jane, and Efther, followed in the Ann, ony " of 1 5 s. from William Corvannell; 

in 1623; in 1626, he had Mary. Winf- often ferved on juries, committees, 

low, in his Hypocrifie Unma/ked [96], and the " Grand Inqueft ; " was called 

fays that " the wife of Francis Cooke, by Bradford, in 1650, "a very olde 

being a Walloone, holds communion man, and hath feene his childrens 

with the church at Plymouth as fhe children have children ; " was one of 

came from the French to this day, by the firft purchafers of Dartmouth, 

vertue of communion of churches." 1652, and Middleborough, 1662; died 

He was taxed \%s., ^April' 1 ; '633; /, April, 1663. His wife furvived him. 

only gs. the following year; ^ Oct., — [Savage's Gen. Ditl., i. 445; Plym. 

1634, was appointed one of the layers- Col. liec, i. 3, 8, 10, 28, 31, 46, &c; ii. 

out of highways for Plymouth; is in 7, 34, 40, 53, &c; N. E. Hifl. and Gen. 

the lift of freemen, z 7 7 March, 163^; Reg., iii. 334; Bradford, Hijl. Plym. 

r 2 2 May, 1627, was one of a jury "to fet Plant., 453.] 

3i] IN AMERICA 81 

were in confutation here abouts, two Savages prefented 
themfelues vpon the top of an hill, 286 over againft our 
Plantation, about a quarter of a myle and leffe, and made 
fignes vnto vs to come vnto them ; we likewife made 
fignes vnto them to come to vs, whereupon we armed our 
felues, and ftood readie, and fent two over the brooke 28? 
towards them, to wit, Captaine Standijh and Steven Hop- 
kins, who went towards them, onely one of them had a 
Musket, which they layd downe on the ground in their 
fight, in figne of peace, and to parley with them, but the 
Savages would not tarry their comming: a noyfe of a great 
many more was heard behind the hill, but no more came 
in fight. This caufed vs to plant our great Ordinances 
in places moft convenient. 

Wednefday the 21. of February, the mafter came on 
fhore with many of his Saylers, and brought with him 
one of the great Peeces, called a Minion?™ and helped 
vs to draw it vp the hill, with another Peece that lay 
on fhore, and mounted them, and a faller 289 and two 

286 By uniform tradition, this was length, carrying a ball weighing 3 lbs. 
Watfon's Hill, or Strawberry Hill, 12 oz. ; the fmaller, of 3-inch bore, 
about one hundred rods a little W. of and 7 feet long. The firft weighed 
S. of their plantation. The Indian about 1. 000 lbs., and the fecond about 
name is faid to have been Cantaugcan- 800 lbs. — [Bailey. ~\ 

teeft. — [2 Mafs. Hijl. Call, m. 177.] =89 Saker, a fort of great gun, of 

28 7 Town Brook, which ikirted their which there are three fizes ; (1) 4-inch 
fettlement on the fouth, and the mouth bore, and 10 feet long; (2) 3-inch 
of which harbored their ftiallop. bore, and 9 feet long ; (3) 3 ; ]~inch bore, 

288 There were two fizes of minions, and 8 feet long. — {Bailey, .] Sailer 
— one of 3^-inch bore and 8 feet in is obvioufly a mifprint. 


bafes; 29 " he brought with him a very fat Goofe to eate 
with vs, and we had a fat Crane, and a Mallerd, and a 
dry'd neats-tongue, and fo wee were kindly and friendly 
together. 291 

Saturday the third of March, the winde was South, 
the morning miftie, but towards noone warme and fayre 
weather ; the Birds fang in the Woods moft pleafantly ; 
at one of the Clocke it thundred, which was the firft wee 
heard in that Countrey, it was ftrong and great claps, but 
fhort, but after an houre it rayned very fadly till midnight. 

Wednefday the feaventh of March, the wind was full 
Eaft, [32] cold, but faire, that day Mafter Carver with hue 
other went to the great Ponds, 292 which feeme to be excel- 
lent fifhing-places ; all the way they went they found it 
exceedingly beaten and haunted with Deere, but they faw 
none ; amongft other foule, they faw one a milke white 
foule, with a very blacke head : 293 this day fome garden 
feeds were fowen. 

Fryday, the 16. a fayre warme day towards ; 294 this morn- 

2 9° "Bafe (with gunners), the fmalleft 2 9 2 Billington Sea, or, poffibly, Great 

piece of ordnance, 4 Foot and a half South Pond and its fifterhood of lakes, 

long, the Diameter at the bore 1 Inch 2 93 A fpecies of goofe anfwers well 

1 Quarter ; it weighs 200 Pounds, to this defcription. 

carries a ball 1 Inch i-8th Diameter, 294 A comparifon with the fimilar 

and 5 or 6 Ounces Weight." — [Bailey.'] phrafe, thirteen lines above, renders 

291 "Feb. 21. Die Mr. William probable here the omiffion of the word 

White, Mr. William Mullins, with 2 " noone ; " though " towards " has an 

more. And the 25th Dies Mary, the old fenfe of "nearly," "a little lefs 

wife of Mr. Ifaac Allerton.'" — [Prince, than," which might make fenfe if no 

N. E. Chron., pt. ii. 98.] ellipfis is inferred. 

32] IN AMERICA 83 

ing we determined to conclude of the military Orders, 
which we had began to confider of before, but were inter- 
rupted by the Savages, as we mentioned formerly; and 
whilft we were bufied here about, we were interrupted 
againe, for there prefented himfelf a Savage* 95 which 
caufed an Alarm, he very boldly came all alone and 
along the houfes ftraight to the Randevous, where we 
intercepted him, not fuffering him to goe in, as vndoubt- 
edly he would, out of his boldneffe, hee faluted vs in 
Englifh, and bad vs well-come, for he had learned fome 
broken Englifh amongft the Englifh men that came to 
fifh at Monchiggon?* and knew by name the moft of the 
Captaines, Commanders, & Matters, that vfually come, 

2 95 Samofet (Sai7iefet, Summufet, 
Sommerfet, Summerfatit ) was a na- 
tive of Pemaquid, and chief and ori- 
ginal proprietor of what is now the 
town of Briftol, Me. He feems to 
have gone on board of Capt. Dermer's 
fhip at Monhegan, when he was on 
his way to thofe fliores, with Squanto, 
on his pacific miflion, 16^; and to 
have been landed by Dermer on Cape 
Cod, when he redeemed there the 
fhipwrecked Frenchmen from their 
favage captors (fee note 69). This 
was only fix months before the May- 
flower arrived; and the Pemaquid 
chief ftill lingered among his new 
friends, — delayed by that overruling 
Providence which needed him for the 
ufe of interpreter, to which he was 
now put. He was at " Capmanwa- 
gen " (Southport, Me.) when Levett 

was there, two years later ; \ s July, 
1625, with Unnongoit, he executed 
the firft deed ever made by an Indian 
to a white man, to John Brown of 
New Harbor ; July, 1653, he fold 
other land to William Parnall, Thom- 
as Way, and William England, affix- 
ing (in a hand tremulous with age) 
his mark, in the form of a bow and 
arrow. He was dead before Philip's 
War. — [Thornton's "Ancient Pema- 
quid," Me. Hift. Coll., v. 186-193 ; 
Sewall's Ancient Dominions of Me., 

296 Mon'hegan Ifland (Monchiggon, 
Monhiggon, and Morattiggon were, 
clearly, forms of the fame name) lies 
nine miles foutherly of George's 
Iflands, five leagues eaft fouth-eafterly 
of Townfend, and three leagues weft- 
wardly of Metinic, on the coaft of 

8 4 NEW-ENGLAND [33 

he was a man free in fpeech, fo farre as he could expreffe 
his minde, and of a feemely carriage, we queftioned him 
of many things, he was the firft Savage we could meete 
withall ; he fayd he was not of thefe parts, but of Morat- 
tiggon, and one of the Sagamores or Lords thereof, and 
had beene 8. moneths in thefe parts, it lying hence a 
dayes fayle with a great wind, and fiue dayes by land ; 
he difcourfed of the whole Country, and of every Prov- 
ince, and of their Sagamores, and their number of men, 
and ftrengfh ; the wind beginning to rife a little, we caft 
a horfemans coat about him, for he was ftarke naked, 
onely a leather about his waft, with a fringe about a fpan 
long, or little more ; he had a bow & 2 arrowes, the one 
headed, and the other vnheaded ; he was a tall ftraight 
man, the haire of his head blacke, long behind, onely 
fhort before, none on his face at all ; he asked fome beere, 
but we gaue him ftrong water, and bisket, and butter, 
and cheefe, & pudding, and a peece of a mallerd, all 
which he liked well, and had bin acquainted with fuch 
amongft the Englifh ; he told vs the [33] place where 
we now liue, is called, Patuxei, 297 and that about foure 

Maine. It contains more than one Pawtucket, i. e. "at the little falls." 

thoufand acres of good land, with a Petuhqui, or Puttukque, fignifying 

bold Ihore. — [Williamfon's Hift. Me., "round," is a common element in 

i. 61.] Indian names, as a preface of " rock," 

297 Patuxet (elfewhere as Savage " hill," " lake," &c. Probably Pa- 

[ Appendix to Winthrop, ii. 478] gives tuxet mould be refolved into Puttukq- 

it, Patackofi [Patackofet ?~\) is prob- fomething, — it is difficult to fay what, 

ably of different compofition from John Smith (1616) gives Accomack as 

33] IN AMERICA 85 

yeares agoe, all the Inhabitants dyed of an extraordinary 
plague, 298 and there is neither man, woman, nor childe 
remaining, as indeed we haue found none, fo as there is 
none to hinder our poffeffion, or to lay claime vnto it ; 
all the after-noone we fpent in communication with him, 
we would gladly haue beene rid of him at night, but he 
was not willing to goe this night, then we thought to 
carry him on fhip-boord, wherewith he was well content, 
and went into the Shallop, but the winde was high and 
water fcant, that it could not returne backe : we lodged 
him that night at Steven Hopkins houfe, 2 " and watched 
him; the next day he went away backe to the Mafa- 
foits?°° from whence he fayd he came, who are our next 
bordering neighbours : they are fixtie ftrong, as he fayth : 

the Indian name of Plymouth [3 Mafs. unexperienced, &c, 9] ; Higginfon's 

Hijl. Coll., vi. 119]. This name was New-Englands Plantation {Force, I., 

probably given to it by the Maffachu- xii. 12] ; Morton's New Englifli Ca- 

fetts, or other northern tribes, to naan [Force, 11., v. 18] ; Johnfon's 

whom Plymouth and the Cape would Wonder-working Providence\p. Mafs. 

be " land beyond," or " on the other Hift. Coll., ii. 66] ; Gookin's Hiftori- 

fide of the bay." Cotton, who learned cal Colletlions [1 Mafs. Hift. Coll., i. 

what little Indian he knew, at Plym- 122, 148] ; the Great Patent of New 

outh, gives Ompaam as the Indian England [Brigham's Compact, &c, 3], 

name [3 Mafs. Hift. Coll., ii. 232]. and Hutchinfon [i. 38]. 

This was, moft likely, of later origih, 2 99 This makes it probable that they 

— given to the place as the capital, or had already completed fome of their 

feat of government, of the colony; fig- cottages, and that families had moved 

nifying, probably, " the place of trib- into them. 

ute," or " of acknowledging fovereign- 3°° This name was here naturally 

ty." given to the Wampanoags, as being 

2 9 8 See Capt. Dermer's ftatement, Maffafoit's men, unlefs, as Dr. Young 

in Purchas [iv. 1778] ; Capt. Smith's fuppofes, the Englifh did not quite 

ftatement {Advertifements for the comprehend Samofet's broken Englifh. 


the Naujites 301 are as neere South-eaft of them, and are a 
hundred ftrong, and thofe were they of whom our people 
were encountred, as we before related. They are much 
incenfed and provoked againft the Englifh, and about 
eyght moneths agoe flew three Englifh men, and two 
more hardly efcaped by flight to Monhiggon ; they were 
Sir Ferdinando Gorge his men, 302 as this Savage told vs, 
as he did likewife of the Huggerie, that is, Fight? 02 that 
our difcoverers had with the Naujites, & of our tooles 
that were taken out of the woods, 304 which we willed him 
mould be brought againe, otherwife, we would right our 
felues. Thefe people are ill affected towards the Englifh, 
by reafon of one Hunt? oi a matter of a fhip, who deceived 
the people, and got them vnder colour of truking with 

3°i Thofe centering about Naufet, tall ; " but, as Smith fays, to prevent 

or Eaftham ; the Cape Indians. a plantation here, and keep " this 

302 See Belknap's American Biog- abounding Countrey" for himfelf and 

raphy [i. 346-393] ; Gorge's Brief fome few merchants, he " betraied 

Narration [3 Mafs. Hift. Coll., vi. foure and twenty of thofe poore Salua- 

45-93], and Prince, N. E. Chron. ges aboord his fhip, and moft difhon- 

[pt. 1. 67], for accounts of this fight of eftly and inhumanely for their kind 

the Indians with Capt. Dermer and vfage of me [Smith] and all our men, 

his men. caried them with him to Maligo, and 

3°3 To hugger (Provincial Englifh), there for a little priuate gaine fold 

to lie in ambufh, &c. — [ Webfter], thofe filly Saluages for Rials of eight ; 

The reference is to " the firft encount- but this vilde aft kept him ever after 

ter" [p. 52]. from any more imploiment to thofe 

304 See p. 80. parts." — [General! Hiftorie, 204.] 

3°s Thomas Hunt was matter of the The Brief Relation of the Prefident 

fhip in Capt. Smith's company, in and Council for New England, ftates 

1614, that " flayed to fit her felfe for that the friars, when it was found 

Spaine with the dry fifh which was fold whence thefe flaves were come, took 

at Maligo at forty Rialls the Quin- fome of them, and inftrufted them in 

34] IN AMERICA 87 

them, twentie out of this very place where we inhabite, 
and feaven men from the Naujites, and carried them 
away, and fold them for flaues, like a wretched man (for 
20. pound a man) that cares not what mifchiefe he doth 
for his profit. 

Saturday in the morning we difmiffed the Salvage, and 
gaue him a knife, a bracelet, and a ring ; he promifed 
within a night or two to come againe, and to bring with 
him fome of the Maffafoyts our neighbours, with fuch 
Beuers skins as they had to trucke with vs. [34J 

Saturday and Sunday 306 reafonable fayre dayes. On 
this day 307 came againe the Savage, and brought with 
him fiue other tall proper men, they had every man a 
Deeres skin on him, and the principall of them had a 
wild Cats skin, or fuch like on the one arme ; they had 
moft of them long hofen vp to their groynes, clofe made ; 
and aboue their groynes to their waft another leather, 
they were altogether like the 7rz/%-troufes ; 3 ° 8 they are of 

the Chriftian faith. Some got over to that comes within their mooes, like a 

England, and proved of great fervice ftirrop ftockinge, and is faftned above 

to Gorges and others. — \Mafs. Hift. at their belt, which is about their 

Coll., xix. 6 ; xxvi. 58, 61, 132.] middell. . . . Thofe garments they 

3°6 Saturday, I 7 , Sunday, *| March, allwayes put on when they goe a hunt- 

162 1. inge to keepe their fkinnes from the 

307 That is, as the narrative Ihows, brufh of the Shrubbs, and when they 
on Sunday. have their Apparrell one, they look 

308 " They make mooes of Deeres like Irifh in their troufes, the Stock- 
ikinnes, very handfomly and commo- ings join fo to their breeches." — [Mor- 
dious, and of fuch deeres lkinnes as ton's New Engli/h Canaan, Force, 
they drefs bare, they make ftockinges, 11., v. 22.] 


complexion like our Englifh Gipfeys, no haire or very 
little on their faces, on their heads long haire to their 
moulders, onely cut before fome truffed vp before with a 
feather, broad wife, like a fanne, another a fox tayle hang- 
ing out : thefe left (according to our charge giuen him 
before) their Bowes and Arrowes a quarter of a myle 
from our Towne, we gaue them entertaynement as we 
thought was fitting them, they did eate liberally of our 
Englifh victuals, they made femblance vnto vs of friend- 
ship and amitie ; they fong & danced after their maner 
like Anticks ; 3 ° 9 they brought with them in a thing like 
a Bow-cafe (which the principall of them had about his 
waft) a little of their Corne pownded to Powder, which 
put to a little water they eate ; 3I ° he had a little Tobacco 
in a bag, but none of them drunke 3 " but when he lifted, 
fome of them had their faces paynted black, from the 
forehead to the chin, foure or fiue fingers broad ; others 
after other fafhions, as they liked ; they brought three or 

309 "Attack, a Buffoon." — [Bailey.] and travell at an houres warning. 

310 "Nokehick, parch'd meal, which With a fpoonfull of this meale, and a 
is a readie very wholefome food, which fpoonfull of water from the Brooke, 
they eate with a little water, hot or have I made many a good dinner and 
cold; I have travelled with neere 200 fupper." — [Roger Williams, R.-I. Hift. 
of them at once, neere 100 miles Coll., i. 33.] 

through the woods, every man carry- 3" "Anthony Thacher and George 

ing a little Bafket of this at his back, Sole were chofen a comittee to draw 

and fometimes in a hollow Leather vp an order concerning diforderly 

Girdle about his middle, fufncient for drinking of tobacco.'' — \Plym. Col. 

a man for three or four daies. With Rec, ii. 108.] "Drinking" tobacco 

this readie provifion, and their Bow was then the common term for fmok- 

and Arrowes, are they readie for War ing it. 

35] IN AMERICA 8 9 

foure skins, but we would not trucke with them at all that 
day, but wifhed them to bring more, and we would trucke 
for all, which they promifed within a night or two, and 
would leaue thefe behind them, though we were not will- 
ing they mould, and they brought vs all our tooles againe 
which were taken in the Woods, in our mens abfence, fo 
becaufe of the day we difmiffed them fo foone as we 
could. But Samofet our flrft acquaintance, eyther was 
ficke, or fayned himfelfe fo, and would not goe with them, 
and ftayed with vs till Wednefday morning: 312 Then we 
fent him to them, to know the reafon they came not ac- 
cording to their words, and we gaue him an hat, a payre 
of ftockings and fhooes, a fhirt, and a peece of cloth to tie 
about his waft. [35] 

The Sabboth day, when we fent them from vs, wee 
gaue every one of them fome trifles, efpecially, the princi- 
pall of them, we carried them along with our Armes 
to the place where they left their Bowes and Arrowes, 
whereat they were amazed, and two of them began to 
flinke away, but that the other called them, when they 
tooke their Arrowes, we bad them farewell, and they 
were glad, and fo with many thankes giuen vs they de- 
parted, with promife they would come againe. 

Munday and tuefday proved fayre dayes, we digged 
our grounds, and fowed our garden feeds. 

Wednefday a fine warme day, we fent away Samofet. 

312 Wednefday, 2 \ March, 1621. 

9 o NEW-ENGLAND. [35 

That day we had againe a meeting, to conclude of 
lawes and orders for our felues, and to confirme thofe 
Military Orders that were formerly propounded, and 
twife broken off by the Savages comming, but fo we 
were againe the third time, for after we had beene an 
houre together, on the top of the hill over againft vs 3I3 
two or three Savages prefented themfelues, that made 
femblance of daring vs, as we thought, fo Captaine 
Standifh with another, with their Muskets went over to 
them, with two of the mafters mates that follows them 
without Armes, having two Muskets with them, they 
whetted and rubbed their Arrowes and Strings, and 
made fhew of defiance, but when our men drew nere 
them, they ranne away. Thus we were againe inter- 
rupted by them ; this day with much adoe we got our 
Carpenter that had beene long ficke of the fcurvey, to fit 
our Shallop, to fetch all from aboord. 314 

Thurfday the 22. of March, was a very fayre warme 
day. About noone we met againe about our publique 
bufineffe, but we had fcarce beene an houre together, but 
Samofet came againe, and Squanto* 15 the onely natiue of 

313 See note 285. ried to England by Capt. George Way- 

314 This indicates the time when mouth in 1605. Whether he came 
the whole company was transferred back and was taken off again by Hunt, 
from the fhip to the more, and their or whether there is fome confufion in 
colonizing became complete. the narrative, is not certain. He was 

31s Squanto (Squantum, Tifquan- of great fervice to the colony, though 
tiun, Tafquantum, &c.) was clearly ambitious and meddlefome. He died 
one of five Indians who had been car- in November, 1622; his laft requeft 

361 IN AMERICA 91 

Patuxat, where we now inhabite, who was one of the 
twentie Captiues that by Hunt were carried away, and 
had beene in England & dwelt in Cornehill with mafter 
Iohn S/ame 316 a Marchant, and could fpeake a little Eng- 
lifh, with three others, and they brought with them fome 
few skinnes to trucke, and fome red Her- [36] rings 
newly taken and dryed, but not falted, and fignified vnto 
vs, that their great Sagamore Mafafoyt^ 1 was hard by, 
with Quadequina his brother, and all their men. They 
could not well expreffe in Englifh what they would, but 
after an houre the King came to the top of an hill over 
againft vs, and had in, his trayne fixtie men, that wee could 
well behold them, and they vs : we were not willing to 

being that Gov. Bradford would pray in Purchas. In 1623 he was very 

that he might go to the Englifhman's lick ; and Winllow vifited him and pre- 

God in heaven. Squantam (con- fcribed for him, and he recovered, 

tracked from 7nufquantam, "he is an- and attributed his life to this atten- 

gry,'' " he is bloody-minded ") was the tion. He fold much land to the 

name of an Indian god. — [Drake's Englifh at various times, and always 

Ind. Biog. 69, 78, 79 ; Trumbull, Ms. fcrupuloufly, and moft honorably, kept 

letter.~\ his treaty engagements with them. 

316 " The worfhippeful JohnSlany, of He feems to have died in the latter 
London, merchant," was Treafurer of part of 1661, or the former part of 
the Newfoundland Company. — [Pur- 1662. He left two fons, — Alexander, 
chas, iv. 1876.] whofe reign was but of a few months ; 

317 Maffafoit (Meffafoyt, Maffafoyet, and Philip, famous in the bloody hif- 
Woofamequin, UJfamequin, AJhume- tory of 1675-6. He had two brothers, 
quin, Ofamekin, &c, &c.) was fachem — Akkompoin (Unkompoen), whom 
of the Wampanoags, and had his " some brilk Bridgwater Lads " killed 
principal refidence at Sowams (now in 1676; and a younger one, Quad- 
Warren, R. I.), in Pokanoket. We equina, who accompanied Maffafoit 
know nothing of him previous to this at this time to Plymouth. — [Drake's 
date, unlefs he were one of the " two Book of Indians, 81-92; Church's 
kings " mentioned by Capt. Dermer, Entertaining Paffages, 38, &c] 


fend our governour to them, and they vnwilling to come 
to vs, fo Squanto went againe vnto him, who brought 
word that wee fhould fend one to parley with him, which 
we did, which was Edward Winfloe, to know his mind, 
and to fignifie the mind and will of our governour, which 
was to haue trading and peace with him. We fent to 
the King a payre of Kniues, and a Copper Chayne, with 
a Iewell at it. To Quadequina we fent likewife a Knife 
and a Iewell to hang in his eare, and withall a Pot of 
ftrong water, a good quantitie of Bisket, and fome butter, 
which were all willingly accepted : our Meffenger made 
a fpeech vnto him, that King Iames faluted him with 
words of loue and Peace, and did accept of him as his 
Friend and Alie, and that our Governour defired to fee 
him and to trucke with him, and to confirme a Peace with 
him, as his next neighbour : he liked well of the fpeech 
and heard it attentiuely, though the Interpreters did not 
well expreffe it ; after he had eaten and drunke himfelfe, 
and giuen the reft to his company, he looked vpon our 
meffengers fword and armour which he had on, with inti- 
mation of his defire to buy it, but on the other fide, our 
meffenger fhewed his vnwillingnes to part with it : In 
the end he left him in the cuftodie of Quadequina his 
brother, and came over the brooke, and fome twentie 
men following him, leaving all their Bowes and Arrowes 
behind them. We kept fix or feaven as hoftages for 
our meffenger ; Captaine Standifk and mafter William- 

37] IN AMERICA 93 

fon iJ% met the King at the brooke, with halfe a dozen 
Musketiers, they faluted him and he them, fo one going 
over, the one on the one fide, and the other on the other, 
conducted him to an houfe then in building, where we 
placed a greene Rugge, and three or foure Cufhions, then 
inftantly came our [37] Governour with Drumme and 
Trumpet after him, and fome few Musketiers. After 
falutations, our Governour kiffing his hand, the King 
kiffed him, and fo they fat downe. The Governour called 
for fome ftrong water, and drunke to him, and he drunke 
a great draught that made him fweate all the while after, 
he called for a little frefh meate, which the King did 
eate willingly, and did giue his followers. Then they 
treated of Peace, which was ; 

1. That neyther he nor any of his fhould iniure or doe Theagree- 

_ _ 1 ments of 

hurt to any of our people. peace be . 

2. And if any of his did hurt to any of ours, he fhould tweene vs 

J / and Maffa- 

fend the offender, that we might punifh him. f 0y t. 

3. That if any of our Tooles were taken away when 
our people were at worke, he fhould caufe them to be 
reftored, and if ours did any harme to any of his, wee 
would doe the like to them. 

318 No man of this name was of the with the title here given, had he been 

party. There was, indeed, a Thomas now able to go on fuch fervice (which 

Williams (note 27, No. 30), but he is very doubtful). It is more likely, 

died early in the general sicknefs as Dr. Young fuggefts, that the Ms. 

[Bradford, Hift. Plym. Plant., 454]; read " Matter Allerton," and was mif- 

and he would not have been honored apprehended and mifprinted into this. 


4. If any did vniuftly warre againft him, we would ayde 
him ; If any did warre againft vs, he fhould ayde vs. 

5. He fhould fend to his neighbour Confederates, to 
certifie them of this, that they might not wrong vs, but 
might be likewife comprifed in the conditions of Peace. 

6. That when their men came to vs, they fhould leaue 
their Bowes and Arrowes behind them, as wee fhould doe 
our Peeces when we came to them. 

Laftly, that doing thus, King Iames would efteeme of 
him as his friend and Alie : 3 ' 9 all which the King feemed 
to like well, and it was applauded of his followers, all 
the while he fat by the Governour he trembled for feare : 
In his perfon he is a very luftie man, in his beft yeares, 
an able body, graue of countenance, and fpare of fpeech : 
In his Attyre little or nothing differing from the reft 
of his followers, only in a great Chaine of white bone 
Beades about his necke, and at it behinde his necke, hangs 
a little bagg of Tobacco, which he dranke and gaue vs 
to drinke; 320 his face was paynted with a fad red like 
murry, 321 and oyled both head and face, that hee looked 
greafily : All his followers likewife, were in their faces, 
in part or in whole painted, fome blacke, fome [38] red, 

319 This "auncient league & con- 320 See note 310. 

federacy" was formally ratified and 3*< A "sad" red was a deep red 

renewed, on application of Maflafoit ("of a deep color." [Bailey']). "Mur- 

and his oldeft fon, by the Plymouth rey, is in Latin called color fanguineus, 

court, 2 5 ffg; 1639. — [Morton's N.E. is accounted a princely color." \_Bai- 

Memorial, 112; Plym. Col. Rec, i. ley.] "A dark red color, from Lat. 

133.] moram, mulberry." — \Webfier.~\ 

38] IN AMERICA 95 

fome yellow, and fome white, fome with croffes, and other 
Antick 322 workes, fome had skins on them, and fome 
naked, all ftrong, tall, all men in appearance : fo after all 
was done, the Governour conducted him to the Brooke, 
and there they embraced each other and he departed : we 
diligently keeping our hoftages, wee expected our meffen- 
gers comming, but anon word was brought vs, that Quad- 
dequina was comming, and our meffenger was ftayed till 
his returne, who prefently came and a troupe with him, 
fo likewife wee entertained him, and convayed him to 
the place prepared ; he was very fearefull of our peeces, 
and made fignes of diflike, that they fhould be carried 
away, whereupon Commandement was given, they fhould 
be layd away. He was a very proper tall young man, 
of a very modeft and feemely countenance, and he did 
kindely like of our entertainement, fo we convayed him 
likewife as wee did the King, but diuers of their people 
ftayed ftill, when hee was returned, then they difmiffed 
our meffenger. Two of his people would haue ftayed all 
night, but wee would not fuffer it : one thing I forgot, the 
King had in his bofome hanging in a firing, a great long 
knife ; hee marveiled much at our Trumpet, and fome of 
his men would found it as well as they could, Samo/et 
and Squanto, they ftayed al night with vs, and the King 
and al his men lay all night in the woods, not aboue halfe 
an Englifh myle from vs, and all their wiues and women 

3 22 See note 308. 


with them, they fayd that within 8. or 9. dayes, they 
would come and fet corne on the other fide of the Brooke, 
and dwell there all Summer, which is hard by vs : That 
night we kept good watch, but there was no appearance 
of danger; the next morning 323 divers of their people 
came over to vs, hoping to get fome vidiuales as wee 
imagined, fom of them told vs the King would haue 
fome of vs come fee him ; Captaine Standifh and Ifaac 
Alderton 3M went venteroufly, who were welcommed of 
him after their manner: he gaue them three or foure 
ground Nuts, 325 and fome Tobacco. Wee cannot yet 
conceiue, but that he is willing to haue peace with vs, 
for they haue feene our people fometimes alone two or 
three in [39] the woods at worke and fowling, when as 
they offered them no harme as they might eafily haue 
done, and efpecially becaufe hee hath a potent Adverfary 
the Narowhiganfeis?* that are at warre with him, againft 

323 Friday 23 ^pri? 1 ' one ^ mt ^ e richeft man of the col- 

324 Isaac Allerton (note 27, No. 5) ony ; was Affiftant, 1621, and fole 
"of London," * Nov., 161 1, married, officer for three years under the gov- 
in Leyden, Mary Norris of Newbu- ernment : his wife dying foon after 
ry; / Feb., 16J* was admitted to cit- landing, he married Fear Brewfter, 
izenfhip in Leyden; *£ Nov., 1615, daughter of Elder William ; fhe dying, 

guaranteed Digory Prieft on his ad- 1633, he married again, Joanna ? 

miffion to the fame privilege ; ^ May, He paffed his later years at New Ha- 

1618, was witnefs at the firft marriage ven, and died there, 1659, infolvent. 

of Edward Winflow, to Elizabeth Bar- — [Savage's Gen. Ditl., i. 38 ; Ley- 

ker ; 5 Oct., 1619, was witnefs at the den Mfs. Rec.~\ 

marriage of Roger Wilkin to Eliz. 325 Afiios tuberofa? — \Coll. Amer. 

Barrow? was one of the four figners Antiq. Soc, iv. 180.J 

of the letter from Leyden to Carver 3-6 Narraganfetts, as they were 

and Cuftiman, ' June, 1620; was at commonly ftyled. 

40] IN AMERICA 97 

whom hee thinks wee may be fome ftrength to him, for 
our peeces are terrible vnto them; this morning, they 
ftayed till ten or eleuen of the Clocke, and our Governour 
bid them fend the Kings kettle, and filled it full of peafe, 
which pleafed them well, and fo they went their way. 

Fryday was a very faire day, Samofet and Squanto 
ftill remained with vs, Squanto went at noone to fifh for 
Eeles, 327 at night he came home with as many as he 
could well lift in one hand, which our people were glad 
of, they were fat & fweet, he trod them out with his 
feete, and fo caught them with his hands without any 
other Inftrument, 

This day we proceeded on with our common bufineffe, 

from which we had been fo often hindred by the Salvages 

comming, and concluded both of Military orders, 

and of fome Lawes and Orders as wee thought be- 

hoofefull for our prefent eftate, and condition, 

and did likewife choofe our Governour for 

this yeare, which was Mafter John 

Carver 328 a man well approo- 

ved amongft vs. [40] 

327 Doubtlefs at Eel River, of which will not be extravagant to fay that 

Thacher says "it is appropriately about 150 barrels are annually taken 

called Eel River, from the abundance there." — \Hifl. Plym., 322.J 

of Eels which it yields to the fupport 328 See notes 27 (No. 1), 28, and 151; 

of the induftrious poor. Perhaps it also Prince \_N. E. Chron., pt. ii. 103.] 





The Habitation of the Great King 


As alfo our Meffage, the 

An/were and intertaine- 

ment wee had of 


T feemed good to the Company for many 
confiderations to fend fome amongft them 
to Majffafoyt, the greatest Commander 
amongft the Savages, bordering about vs ; 
partly to know where to find them, if oc- 
cafion ferved, as alfo to fee their ftrength, difcover the 
Country, prevent abufes in their diforderly comming vnto 
vs, make fatisfaction for fome conceived jniuries to be 
done on our parts, and to continue the league of Peace 
and Friendfhip betweene them and vs. For thefe, and 
the like ends, it pleafed the Governour to make choice 
of Steven Hopkins, & Edward Win/loe i29 to goe vnto 
him, and having a fit opportunitie, by reafon of a Savage, 
called Tifquantum^ (that could fpeake Englifh) comming 

329 Edward Winflow was almoft feveral verbal correfpondences with 

neceffarily the author of this part of his avowed works, which indorfe the 

the Relation, as it was written by a fuppofition. 

participant in the journey. There are 33° See note 315. 

40 IN AMERICA. 99 

vnto vs ; with all expedition provided a Horfe-mans coat, 
of red Cotton, and laced with a flight lace for a prefent, 
that both they and their meffage might be the more ac- 
ceptable amongft them. The Meffage was as followeth; 
That forafmuch as his fubiects came often and without 
feare, vpon all occafions amongft vs, fo wee were now 
come vnto him, and in witneffe of the loue and good will 
the Englifh beare vnto him, the Governour hath fent him 
a coat, defiring that the Peace and Amitie that was [41] 
betweene them and vs might be continued, not that we 
feared them, but becaufe we intended not to iniure any, 
defiring to Hue peaceably : and as with all men, fo efpe- 
cially with them our neereft neighbours. But whereas 
his people came very often, and very many together vnto 
vs, bringing for the moft part their wiues and children 
with them, they were well come ; yet we being but ftran- 
gers as yet at Patuxet? 11 alias New Plimmolh, and not 
knowing how our Corne might profper, we could no 
longer giue them fuch entertainment as we had done, 
and as we defired ftill to doe : yet if he would be pleafed 
to come himfelfe, or any fpeciall friend of his defired 
to fee vs, comming from him they fhould be wellcome ; 
and to the end wee might know them from others, our 
Governour had fent him a copper Chayne, defiring if 
any Meffenger fhould come from him to vs, we might 
know him by bringing it with him, and hearken and giue 

331 See note 296. 

ioo NEW-ENGLAND [41 

credite to his Meffage accordingly. Alfo requefting him 
that fuch as haue skins, 332 fhould bring them to vs, and 
that he would hinder the multitude from oppreffing vs 
with them. And whereas at our firft arrivall at Pao- 
met™ (called by vs Cape Cod) we found there Corne 
buried in the ground, and finding no inhabitants but 
fome graues of dead new buryed, tooke the Corne, refolv- 
ing if ever we could heare of any that had right there- 
unto, to make fatisfaclion to the full for it, yet fince we 
vnderftand the owners thereof were fled for feare of vs, 
our defire was either to pay them with the like quantitie 
of corne, Englifh meale, or any other Commodities we 
had to pleafure them withall ; requefting him that fome 
one of his men might fignifie fo much vnto them, and 
wee would content him for his paines. And lafl of all, 
our Gouernour requefted one favour of him, which was, 
that he would exchange fome of their Corne 334 for feede 
with us, that we might make tryall which beft agreed 
with the foyle where we Hue. 

With thefe prefents and meffage we fet forward the 
tenth Iune, 335 about 9. a clocke in the Morning, our guide 

332 Beaver and other (kins for the ent fpecies from that ufually raifed in 
furriers. Smith fays that, in 1614, Maflachufetts, yielding a more deli- 
ranging the coaft in a fmall boat, he cate and whiter meal. 

" got, for trifles, eleven hundred Bever 335 *° June, 1 621, was the Sabbath, 

fkins, befide Otters and Martins." — fo that there muft be fome miftake in 

\Advertifements, 12.] this date, as the Pilgrims would never 

333 Pamet. See note 74. have commenced fuch a journey on 

334 Probably what is now called that day. Bradford \Hift. Plym. 
Rhode-Ifland corn, which is a differ- Plant., 102] fays this expedition ftart- 

4 2 1 IN AMERICA k>i 

refolving that night to reft at Namafchet?* a Towne vnder 
Maffafoyt, and conceived by vs to bee very neere, becaufe 
the [42] Inhabitants flocked fo thicke vpon every flight 
occafion amongft vs .- but wee found it to bee fome fif- 
teene Englifh myles. On the way we found fome ten or 
twelue men women and children, which had peftered vs, 
till wee were wearie of them, perceiving that (as the man- 
ner of them all is) where vicluall is eafilieft to be got, 
there they Hue, efpecially in the Summer : by reafon 
whereof our Bay affording many Lobfters, they refort 
every fpring tide thither; & now returned with vs to 
Namafchet, Thither we came about 3. a clock after 
noone, the Inhabitants entertaining vs with ioy, in the 
beft manner they could, giving vs a kinde of bread called 
by them Maizium,™ and the fpawne of Shads, which 
then they got in abundance, in fo much as they gaue vs 
fpoones to eate them, with thefe they boyled muftie 
Acorns, 338 but of the Shads we eate heartily. After this 

ed on r a 2 July (Monday, an inherently the-fifh-place." The fpot fo defig- 

probable day). Prince [TV. E. Chron., nated here is in what is now Middle- 

pt. ii. 105] adopts Bradford's date, as borough, on the Nemafket River, 

alfo does Morton \_N. E. Memorial, about thirty rods above the bridge 

31], which is doubtlefs the true one ; paffed in going from the Green to the 

the date in the text being probably Four Corners, on the Middleborough 

due to the blundering compofitors, and Plymouth road ; being the rapids 

and careless proof-reading, which dis- near the Lower Faftory, which is 

figure the volume. now called the Star Mills. 

336 Nemajket (Namaffeket, Namaf- 337 Bread rudely made from their 

faket, Nemafcut, &c.) is from Namas, maize, or Indian corn, 

"fifh;" fo that Namas-ohke-ut is "at- 338 See note 177. 

io2 NEW-ENGLAND [42 

they defired one of our men to fhoote at a Crow, com- 
plaining what damage they fuftained in their Corne by 
them, who mooting fome fourefcore off 339 and killing, 
they much admired it, as other fhots on other occafions. 
After this Tifquantum told vs we mould hardly in one 
day reach Pakanokick, M ° moving vs to goe fome 8. myles 
further, where we mould finde more ftore and better 
victuals then there : Being willing to haften our Iourney 
we went, and came thither at Sunne fetting, where we 
found many of the Namafcheucks (they fo calling the men 
of Namafchet) nfhing vppon a Ware which they had 
made on a River which belonged to them, where they 
caught abundance of Baffe. 341 Thefe welcommed vs alfo, 
gaue vs of their fifh, and we them of our victuals, not 
doubting but we mould haue enough where ere we came. 
There we lodged in the open fieldes : for houfes they had 

339 Probably paces, poffibly/^". been, and very probably was, fimilarly 

34° Pokanoket (Pakonokick, Paw- ufed for the place of funfet, " the 

kunnawkutt, &-v., &»c), unlefs greatly weft ; " though it is not found in that 

corrupted, can be derived only from fenfe in Eliot or in Roger Williams. 

pohkenai, or pogkeni, "dark," and If fo, Pokanoket would be "the weft 

ohke, "land," or "place." This is country" to the Plymouth tribes, as 

directly oppofed, in its literal or pri- the "eaft country" of the Narragan- 

mary fignification, to wampan-ohke. fetts. Or the name may have had fome 

(Eliot has, for "brightnefs, but . . . local origin, — from the color of the 

in darknefs " {Isa. lix. 9] wompag, foil, the obfcurity of a foreft, or other 

gut . . . pohkendhtu.) The origin (now extinct) fuggeftion of darkness, 

of the name is open to conjecture. 341 Probably at the Old Indian 

Wampan,t\gmiymg, primarily, "white" Wear, fo called, near Titicut, in the 

or " bright," was ufed figuratively for N. W. part of Middleborough ; two or 

the dawn, and the region of light, the three miles S. W. of the junction of 

eajl. Pohkenai, " dark," may have the Nemafket with the Taunton river. 


none, though they fpent the moft of the Summer there. 
The head of this River is reported to bee not farre from 
the place of our abode, 342 vpon it are, and haue beene 
many Townes, it being a good length. The ground is 
very good on both fides, it being for the moft part 
cleered : Thoufands of men have lived there, which dyed 
in a great plague not long fince : and pitty it was and is 
to fee, fo many goodly fleldes, & fo well feated, with- [43] 
out men to dreffe and manure the fame. Vppon this 
River dwelleth Maffafoyt : It commeth into the Sea at 
the Narrohiganfet Bay, 343 where the French men fo much 
vfe. A fhipp may goe many myles vp it, as the Salvages 
report, and a fhallop to the head of it : but fo farre as 
wee faw, wee are fure a Shallop may. 

But to returne to our Iourney : The next morning 344 
wee brake our faft, tooke our leaue and departed, being 
then accompanied with fome fixe Salvages, having gone 
about fixe myles by the River fide, at a knowne fhole 
place, 345 it beeing low water, they fpake to vs to put off 
our breeches, for wee muft wade thorow. Heere let me 
not forget the vallour and courrage of fome of the Salv- 
ages, on the oppofite fide of the river, for there were 
remaining aliue only 2. men, both aged, efpecially the 

342 The Winetuxet (Winne-tuk-ef- 344 Tuefday, 3 July, 1621. 

et, " on-the-fmall-pretty-river ") branch 34s There feems to be no doubt that 

of Titicut River rifes in Plympton and this croffing-place was at what is now 

Carver, within 6 miles of Plymouth. known as Squabetty, 3^ m. E. by S. 

343 Narraganfet Bay. of Taunton Green. 

io 4 NEW-ENGLAND [44 

one being aboue threefcoure ; Thefe two efpying a com- 
pany of men entring the River, ran very fwiftly & low in 
the graffe to meete vs at the banck, where with fhrill 
voyces and great courage {landing charged vppon vs with 
their bowes, they demaunded what we were, fuppofing vs 
to be enemies, and thinking to take advantage on vs in 
the water : but feeing we were friends, they welcommed 
vs with fuch foode as they had, and we beftowed a fmall 
bracelet of Beades on them. Thus farre wee are fiire the 
Tide ebs and flowes. 

Having here againe refrefhed our felves, we proceeded 
in our Iourney, the weather being very hote for travell, 
yet the Country fo well watered that a man could fcarce 
be drie, but he fhould haue a fpring at hand to coole his 
thirft, befide fmal Rivers in abundance : but the Salvages 
will not willingly drinke, but at a fpring head. When 
wee came to any fmall Brooke where no bridge was, two 
of them defired to carry vs through of their owne accords, 
alfo fearing wee were or would be weary, offered to carry 
our peeces, alfo if we would lay off any of our clothes, we 
fhould haue them carried : and as the one of them had 
found more fpeciall kindneffe from one of the Meffen- 
gers, and the other Salvage from the other fo they fhewed 
their thankefulneffe accordingly in affor- [44] ding vs all 
helpe, and furtherance in the Iourney. 

As we paffed along, we obferved that there were few 
places by the River, but had beene inhabited, by reafon 

44] IN AMERICA 105 

whereof, much ground was cleare, faue of weedes which 
grewe higher then our heads. There is much good 
Timber both Oake, Waltnut-tree, Firre, Beech, and ex- 
ceeding great Cheffnut-trees. The Country in refpect of 
the lying of it, is both Champanie and hilly, like many 
places in England. In fome places its very rockie both 
aboue ground and in it : And though the Countrey bee 
wilde and over-growne with woods, yet the trees ftand 
not thicke, but a man may well ride a horfe amongft 
them. 346 

Paffing on at length, one of the Company an Indian 
efpied a man, and told the reft of it, we asked them if 
they feared any, they told vs that if they were Narro- 
higganfet, men they would not truft them, 347 whereat, we 
called for our peeces and bid them not to feare ; for though 
they were twenty, we two alone would not care for them : 
but they hayling him, hee prooved a friend, and had onely 
two women with him : their baskets were empty, but 
they fetched water in their bottels, fo that we dranke 
with them and departed. After we met another man 
with other two women, which had beene at Randevow by 
the fait water, and their baskets were full of rofted Crab 
fifties, and other dryed fhell fifh, of which they gaue vs, 
and wee eate and dranke with them ; and gaue each of 
the women a ftring of Beades, and departed. 

346 Owing to the yearly burning of 347 It has already been ftated (fee 
the brufh and undergrowth by the In- p. 96) that Mafiafoit and the Narra- 
dians. See note 180. ganfetts were at war. 


io6 NEW-ENGLAND [45 

After wee came to a Towne of Maffafoyts?^ where we 
eat Oyfters and other fifh. From thence we went to 
Packanokick, M9 but Maffafoyt was not at home, there we 
flayed, he being fent for : when newes was brought of his 
comming, our guide Tifquantum requefted that at our 
meeting, wee would difcharge our peeces, but one of vs 
going about to charge his peece, the women and children 
through feare to fee him take vpp his peece, ran away, 
and could not bee pacified, till hee layd it downe againe, 
who afterward were better informed by our Interpreter. 

Majfafoyt being come, wee difcharged our Peeces, and 
[45] faluted him, who after their manner kindly well 
commed vs, and tooke vs into his houfe, and fet vs downe 
by him, where having delivered our forefayd Meffage, 
and Prefents, and having put the Coat on his backe, and 
the Chayne about his necke, he was not a little proud to 
behold himfelfe, and his men alfo to fee their King fo 
brauely attyred. 

For anfwere to our Meffage, he told vs we were well- 
come, and he would gladly continue that Peace and 
Friendfhip which was betweene him & vs : and for his 

348 This was probably at Mata- fively fliown that while Packanokik 
pnyst (or Mattapoifet), now known as was a general name for the Wampa- 

Gardner's Neck, in Swanfey. — [See noag territory, in the neighborhood 

Winflow's Good Newes from New of what are now Warren, Briftol, &c, 

England, in Young's Chron. ofPlym., R. I., the Indian village here intended 

3 1 7-] was Sowams, built around the fpring 

349 Gen. G. M. Feffenden (in his called Maffafoit's Spring, near Baker's 
Hiftory of Warren, R. I.) has conclu- Wharf, in Warren. — [Pp. 27-30.] 

45] IN AMERICA ' 107 

men they fhould no more pefter vs as they had done : 
Alfo, that he would fend to Paomet, and would helpe vs 
with Corne for feed, according to our requeft. 

This being done, his men gathered neere to him, to 
whom he turned himfelfe, and made a great Speech ; 
they fometime interpofing, and as it were, confirming 
and applauding him in that he fayd. The meaning 
whereof was (as farre as we could learne) thus ; Was not 
he Majfafoyt Commander of the Countrey about them ? 
Was not fuch a Towne his and the people of it? and 
fhould they not bring their skins vnto vs ? To which 
they anfwered, they were his & would be at peace with 
vs, and bring their skins to vs. After this manner, he 
named at leaft thirtie places, and their anfwere was as 
aforefayd to every one : fo that as it was delightfull, it 
was tedious vnto vs. 

This being ended, he lighted Tobacco for vs, and fell 
to difcourfing of England, & of the Kings Maieftie, mar- 
vayling that he would liue without . a wife. 3S ° Alfo he 
talked of the French-men, bidding vs not to fuffer them 
to come to Narrokiganfet, for it was King Iame^ his 
Countrey, and he alfo was King Iamej his man. Late 
it grew, but victualls he offered none ; for indeed he had 
not any, being he came fo newly home. So we defired 
to goe to reft : he layd vs on the bed with himfelfe and 
his wife, they at the one end and we at the other, it being 

35° James I. of England had become a widower more than a year before. 

io8 NEW-ENGLAND [46 

onely plancks layd a foot from the ground, and a thin 
Mat vpon them. 351 Two more of his chiefe men for 
want of roome preffed by and vpon vs ; fb that we were 
worfe weary of our lodging then of our iourney. [46] 

The next day being Thurfday, 352 many of their Sachmis, 
or petty Governours came to fee vs, and many of their 
men alfo. There they went to their manner of Games 
for skins and kniues. 353 There we challenged them to 
flioote with them for skins: but they durft not: onely 
they defired to fee one of vs flioote at a marke, who fhoot- 
ing with Haile-fhot, they wondred to fee the marke fo 
full of holes. About one a clocke, Majfafoyt brought two 
fiflies that he had fhot, they were like Breame but three 
times fo bigge, and better meate. 354 Thefe being boyled 
there were at left fortie looked for fhare in them, the 
moft eate of them : This meale onely we had in two 

351 " Their lodging is made in three 352 Thurfday, 5 July, 1621. 

places of the houfe about the fire 353 "A game like unto the Englifh 

they lye upon plankes commonly Cards, yet, inftead of Cards, they play 

about a foote or 18. inches above the with ftrong Rufhes. Secondly, they 

ground raifed upon railes that are have a kinde of Dice which are Plumb 

borne up upon forks they lay mats ftones painted, which they caft in a 

under them, and Coates of Deares Tray with a mighty noyfe and fweat- 

fkinnes otters beavers Racownes and ing." — [Roger Williams, Key, &c, 

of Beares hides, all which they have R.-I. Hift. Coll., i. 145.] 

dreffed and converted into good lether 354 " Probably Bafs, as thofe fifh fwim 

with the haire on for their coverings near the furface." — [Feffenden's Hijl. 

and in this manner they lye as warme Warren, R. I., 16.] Roger Williams 

as they defire." — [New Englifli Ca- fays, "They kill Baffe (at the fall of 

naan, Force, n. v. 20.] See alfo Gookin the water) with their arrows, or fharp 

and Roger Williams. — [1 Mafs.Hift. fticks, efpecially if headed with iron, 

Coll. i. 150/ R.-I. Hift. Coll., i. 40.] &c." — [R.-I. Hift. Coll., i. 102.] 

46] IN AMERICA io 9 

nights and a day, and had not one of vs bought 3SS a Par- 
tridge, we had taken our Iourney fafting : Very importu- 
nate he was to haue vs ftay with them longer : But wee 
defired to keepe the Sabboth at home: and feared we 
mould either be light-headed for want of fleepe, for what 
with bad lodging, the Savages barbarous finging, (for 
they vfe to fing themfelues afleepe) lice and fleas within 
doores, and Muskeetoes without, wee could hardly fleepe 
all the time of our being there ; we much fearing, that if 
wee fliould ftay any longer, we fhould not be able to 
recover home for want of ftrength. So that on the Fry- 
day morning before Sun-rifmg, 356 we tooke our leaue and 
departed, Maffafoyt being both grieved and afhamed, that 
he could no better entertaine vs : and retaining Tifquan- 
tum to fend from place to place to procure trucke for vs \ 
and appointing another, called Tokamahamon in his place, 
whom we had found faithfull before and after vpon all 

At this towne of Maffafoyts, where we before eate, 357 
wee were againe refrefhed with a little fifli ; and bought 
about a handfull of Meale of their parched Corne, which 
was very precious at that time of the yeere, and a fmall 
ftring of dryed fhell-fifh, as big as Oyfters. 358 The latter 
we gaue to the fixe Savages that accompanied vs, keep- 
ing the Meale for our felues, when we dranke we eate 
each a fpoonefull of it with a Pipe of Tobacco, in ftead 

355 Brought ? 357 See note 348. 

356 Friday, f 6 July. 358 Clams ? 


of other victuals ; and of this alfo we could not but giue 
them, fo long as it lafted. Fiue myles [47] they led vs 
to a houfe out of the way in hope of viclualls ; but we 
found no body there, and fo were but worfe able to re- 
turne home. That night we reached to the wire where 
we lay before, 359 but the Namafcheucks were returned : fo 
that we had no hope of any thing there. One of the 
Savages had fhot a Shad in the water, and a fmall Squir- 
rill as big as a Rat, called a Neuxisf the one halfe of 
either he gaue vs, and after went to the wire to fifh. 
From hence we wrote to Plimouth, and fent Tokamaha- 
mon before to Namasket, willing him from thence to fend 
another, that he might meet vs with food at Namasket. 
Two men now onely remained with vs, and it pleafed 
God to giue them good ftore of fifh, fo that we were well 
refrefhed. After fupper we went to reft, and they to fifh- 
ing againe : more they gat and fell to eating a-frefh, 
and retayned fufHcient readie roft for all our break-fafts. 
About two a Clocke in the morning, 36 ' arofe a great 
ftorme of wind, raine, lightning, and thunder, in fuch 
violent manner, that we could not keepe in our fire ; and 
had the Savages not rofted fifh when we were afleepe, we 
had fet forward fafting : for the raine ftill continued with 

359 See note 341. to the "little coloured squirril." — \R.- 

360 Neuxis feems to be mentioned /. Hi/l. Coll., i. 95.] Probably the 
as the Indian name of the animal re- Sciurus leucotis, or Sciurus Jlriatus, 
ferred to. AnequfaniquuJJuck is the is intended. 

name which Roger Williams attaches 361 Saturday, J July. 


great violence, even the whole day thorow, till wee came 
within two myles of home. 

Being wett and weary, at length we came to Namaf- 
cket, there we refrefhed our felues, giuing gifts to all fuch 
as had fhewed vs any kindneffe. Amongft others one of 
the fixe that came with vs from Packanokik having be- 
fore this on the way vnkindly forfaken vs, marvayled we 
gaue him nothing, and told vs what he had done for vs ; 
we alfo told him of fome difcurtefies he offered vs, where- 
by he deferved nothing, yet we gaue him a fmall trifle : 
wherevpon he offered vs Tobacco : but the houfe being 
full of people, we told them hee ftole fome by the way, 
and if it were of that we would not take it .- For we would 
not receiue that which was ftolne vpon any termes ; if we 
did, our God would be angry with vs, and deftroy vs. 
This abafhed him, and gaue the reft great content \ but 
at our departure he would needs carry him on his backe 
thorow a River, whom he had formerly in fome [48] fort 
abufed. Faine they would haue had vs to lodge there 

all night : and wondered we would fet forth againe in 

fuch Weather: but God be prayfed, wee 

came fafe home that night, though 

wett, weary, and 

furbated. 362 [49] 

362 "Surbate is when the Sole of from folbattre, from fole (Lat. folea) 

a Horfe's foot is worn, bruifed, or "a fole," and battre, "to beat," hence 

fpoiled, by travelling without Shoes "to batter the feet by travel ;" hence 

&c." — [Bailey. ~\ Webfter derives it " to harafs," " to fatigue." 

I 12 



of our Men to the Kingdome of 

Navset, 363 to feeke a Boy 3S+ that had 

loft him/elf e in the Woods; 

With fuch Accidents as 

befell vs in that 


He 1 i th of Iune i6s we fet forth, the weather 
being very faire : but ere we had bin long 
at Sea, there arofe a ftorme of wind and 
raine, with much lightning and thunder, 
in fo much that a fpout arofe not far from 
vs: but God be prayfed, it,dured not long, and we put in 
that night for Harbour at a place, called Cummaquid? m 

363 The Indian name of Eaftham. 

364 Prince \N. E. Chron., pt. ii. 107] 
fays the boy was John Billington, — 
the elder brother of the fcapegrace 
who had nearly blown up the May- 
flower in Cape-Cod harbor, x s Dec. 
previous. [See page 43.] 

365 Monday, \\ June, 1621. "But 
this date being inconfiftent with fev- 
eral hints in the foregoing and follow- 
ing ftories, I keep to Gov. Bradford's 
original Ms., and place it between the 
end of July and the 13th of Aug." — 
[Prince, N. E. Chron., pt. ii. 107.] 

Bradford fays, " Aboute y e later end 
of this month [July], one John Bil- 
lington loft him felfe in ye woods, & 
wandered up & downe fome 5 days, 
living on beries & what he could find. 
At length he light on an Indean plan- 
tation 20. mils fouth of this place, 
called Manamet, they conveid him 
furder of, to Nawfett, among thofe 
peopl that had before fet upon y e Eng- 
lifh, &c." — \HiJi. Plym. Plant. 102.] 
366 Cummaquid (Chumaquid) was 
the name of Barnftable Harbor. — 
[Freeman's Cape Cod, ii. 249.] 


where wee had fome hope to finde the Boy. Two Savages 
were in the Boat with vs, the one was Tifquantum our 
Interpreter, the other Tokamahamonf' 1 a fpeciall friend. 
It being night before we came in, we Anchored in the 
middeft of the Bay, where we were drie at a low water. 
In the morning we efpied Savages feeking Lobfters, and 
fent our two Interpreters to fpeake with them, the chan- 
nell being betweene them ; where they told them what 
we were, and for what we were come, willing them not 
at all to feare vs, for we would not hurt them. Their 
anfwere was, that the Boy was well, but he was at Naufet ; 
yet fince wee were there they defired vs to come afhore 
& eate with them : which as foone as our Boat floated 
we did : and went fixe afhore, having foure pledges for 
them in the Boate. They brought vs to their Sachim or 
Gouernour, whom they call [50] Iyanoughf % a man not 
exceeding twentie-fix yeeres of age, but very perfonable, 
gentle, courteous, and fayre conditioned, indeed not like 
a Savage, faue for his attyre ; his entertainement was 
anfwerable to his parts, and his cheare plentifull and vari- 

One thing was very grieuous vnto vs at this place ; 

367 See page 109. Standifh and his men. Iyanough was 

368 IyanougKs fate was a fad one. concerned in it ; and, being terrified 
In 1623, a confpiracy was formed by the fate of Wittuwamet and Pek- 
among the Indians to put the Englifh fuot, he fled into the fwamps, where 
to death, which was revealed by Maf- he died, either of ftarvation or of 

fafoyt, and which was fruftrated by difeafe. — [Drake's Book of Indians, 
the fudden and fharp meafures of 78 ; Pratt's Hiftory of Eaftham, 8.] 



There was an old woman, whom we iudged to be no leffe 
then an hundred yeeres old, which came to fee vs be- 
caufe fhee neuer faw Englifh, yet could not behold vs 
without breaking forth into great paffion, weeping and 
crying exceffiuely. We demaunding the reafon of it, 
they told vs, fhe had three fons, who when mafter Hunt 
was in thefe parts went aboord his Ship to trade with him , 
and he carried them Captiues into Spaine 369 (for Tisquan- 
tum at that time was carried away alfo) by which meanes 
fhee was depriued of the comfort of her children in her 
old age. We told them we were forry that any Englifh 
man fhould giue them that offence, that Hunt was a bad 
man, and that all the Englifh that heard of it condemned 
him for the fame : but for vs we would not offer them 
any fuch iniury, though it would gaine vs all the skins in 
the Countrey. So we gaue her fome fmall trifles, which 
fomewhat appeafed her. 

After dinner we tooke Boat for Naufet, Iyanough and 
two of his men accompanying vs. Ere we came to Nau- 
fet, the day and tyde were almoft fpent, in fo much as we 
could not goe in with our Shallop : but the Sachim or 
Governour of Commaquid went a fhore and his men with 
him, we alfo fent Tifquantum to tell Afpinet the Sachim 
of Naufet 31 ° wherefore we came. The Sauages here 
came very thicke amongft vs, and were earneft with vs to 

369 See note 305. that Afpinet perifhed miferably, as 

37° The meagre record indicates Iyanough did. 

5*1 IN AMERICA "5 

bring in our Boate. But we neither well could, nor yet 
defired to doe it, becaufe we had left caufe to truft them, 
being they onely had formerly made an Affault vpon vs 
in the fame place, in time of our Winter Difcouery for 
Habitation. And indeed it was no maruayle they did 
fo, for howfoeuer through fnow or otherwife wee faw no 
houfes, yet wee were in the middeft of them. [51] 

When our boat was a ground they came very thicke, 
but wee ftood therein vpon our guard, not fuffering any 
to enter except two : the one being of Maramoick? 11 and 
one of thofe, whofe Corne we had formerly found, we 
promifed him reftitution, & defired him either to come to 
Patuxet for fatisfaclion, or elfe we would bring them fo 
much corne againe, hee promifed to come, wee vfed him 
very kindely for the prefent. Some few skins we gate 
there but not many. 

After Sun-fet, Afpinet came with a great traine, & 
brought the boy with him, one bearing him through the 
water: hee had not leffe then an hundred with him, the 
halfe whereof came to the Shallop fide vnarmed with 
him, the other ftood aloofe with their bow and arrowes. 
There he delivered vs the boy, behung with beades, and 
made peace with vs, wee beftowing a knife on him, and 
likewife on another that firft entertained the Boy and 
brought him thither. So they departed from vs. 

371 Probably Monomoyick (Mana- tended. — [Freeman's Hijl. Cape Cod. 
moyik, Monamoy, &c), the original ii. 579. See alfo Gookin's Hijl. Coll. 
Indian appellation of Chatham, is in- in 1 Majjf. Hijl. Coll. 1 : 197.] 


Here we vnderftood, that the Narrohiganfets had 
fpoyled fome of Maffafoyts men, and taken him. This 
ftrucke fome feare in vs, becaufe the Colony was fo 
weakely guarded, the ftrength thereof being abroad : 372 
But we fet foorth with refolution to make the beft haft 
home wee could ; yet the winde being contrary, having 
fcarce any frefh water leaft, and at leaft, 16. leagues 
home, 373 we put in againe for the fhore. There we met 
againe with Iyanough the Sachim of Cumaquid, and the 
moft of his Towne, both men women & children with 
him. Hee being ftill willing to gratifie vs, tooke a run- 
let 374 and led our men in the darke a great way for water, 
but could finde none good : yet brought fuch as there 
was on his necke with them. In the meane time the 
women ioyned hand in hand, ringing and dancing before 
the Shallop, the men alfo fhewing all the kindnes they 
could, Iyanough himfelfe taking a bracelet from about his 
necke, and hanging it vpon one of vs. 

Againe we fet out but to fmall purpofe : for wee gat but 
little homeward ; Our water alfo was very brackifh, and 
not to be drunke. [52] 

The next morning, Iyanough efpied vs againe and ran 

372 Dr. Young thinks that, in the nefs would depend much upon the 
abfence of this party, but feven able- clofenefs with which they hugged the 
bodied men were left at Plymouth at more in all its irregularities. 

this time. 374 "' Rundlet, a clofe Caik for Li- 

373 This eftimate of diftance feems quors, containing from 3 to 20 Gal- 
now a little large, though its exact- Ions." — [Bailey. ~\ 

53] IN AMERICA »7 

after vs ; we being refolved to goe to Cummaquid againe 
to water, tooke him into the Shallop, whofe entertaine- 
ment was not inferiour vnto the former. 

The foyle at Naufet and here is alike, even and fandy, 
not fo good for corne as where wee are ; Shipps may 
fafely ride in eyther harbour. In the Summer, 
they abound with fifh. Being now wa- 
tered, we put forth againe, and by 
Gods providence, came fafely 
home that night. [53.] 



<© mm o m c© ra €• n ^p sum ^^ nom ^p mm ^p mil ^p nns ^^ hub <• mnn ^unnn 4 



Kingdome of HAMASCHET 3 

in defence of the Great King 

Massasoyt againjl the Nar- 

rokigganfets, and to revenge 

the fuppofed Death 

of our Interpreter 


T our returne from Naufet, we found it true, 
that MaJ/a/oyt was put from his Countrey 
by the Narrohigganfets? 1 *' Word alfo was 
brought vnto vs, that one Coubatant a petty 
Sachim or Governour vnder MaJJafoyt (whom they euer 
feared to be too converfant with the Narrohigganfets) was 
at Namafchet, who fought to draw the hearts of Majfa- 

375 See note 336. 

376 Bradford fays, " He \Hobamack\ 
& Squanto being gone upon buffines 
amonge y e Indeans, at their returne 
(whether it was out of envie to them 
or malice to the Englifh) ther was a 
Sachem called Corbitant, alyed to 
Maffaffoyte, but never any good friend 
to ye Englifh to this day, mett with 

them at an Indean towne called Nam- 
affakett 14. miles to ye weft of this 
place, and begane to quarell w th them, 
and offered to ftabe Hobamack ; but 
being a lufty man, he cleared him 
felfe. of him, and came rufiing away 
all fweating and tould y e Gov what 
had befalne him, and he feared they 
had killed Squanto, for they threat- 

53] IN AMERICA "9 

foyts fubjects from him, fpeaking alfo difdainfully of vs, 
ftorming at the Peace between Naufet, Cummaquid, and 
vs, and at Tifquantum the worker of it ; alfo at Tokama- 
kamon, and one Hobbamock™ (two Indians or Lemes, 378 
one of which he would trecheroufly haue murdered a 

ened them both, and for no other 
caufe but becaufe they were freinds to 
ye Englifh, and fervifable unto them. 
Upon this y e Gove r taking counfell, 
it was conceivd not fitt to be borne ; 
for if they mould fuffer their freinds 
& meffengers thus to be wronged, 
they mould have none would cleave 
unto them, or give them any inteli- 
gence, or doe them fervifs afterwards ; 
but nexte they would fall upon them 
felues. Whereupon it was refolved 
to fend y<= Captaine & 14. men well 
armed, and to goe & fall upon them 
in ye night ; and if they found that 
Squanto was kild, to cut off Corbi- 
tants head, but not to hurt any but 
thofe that had a hand in it. Hoba- 
mack was alked if he would goe & be 
their guid, & bring them ther before 
day. He faid he would & bring them 
to y e houfe wher the man lay, and 
fhow them which was he. So they 
fet forth y e 14. of Augujl, and befet 
ye houfe round ; the Captin giving 
charg to let none pafs out, entred 
ye houfe to fearch for him. But he 
was goone away that day, fo they 
mift him ; but understood y l Squanto 
was alive, & that he had only threat- 
ened to kill him, & made an offer to 
itabe him, but did not. So they 
witheld and did no more hurte & 

ye people came trembling, & brought 
them the belt provisions they had, 
after they were acquainted by Hoba- 
mack what was only intended. Ther 
was 3. fore wounded which broak out 
of ye houfe, and afaid to pafs through 
ye garde. Thefe they brought home 
with them, & they had their wounds 
dreft & cured, and fente home. After 
this they had many gratulations from 
diverce sachims, and much firmer 
peece; yea, thofe of y e lies of Cap- 
awack fent to make frendmip ; and 
this Corbitant him felfe ufed y e medi- 
ation of Maffaflbyte to make his peace, 
but was fliie to come neare them a 
longe while after." — \Hift. Plym- 
Plant, 103.] 

377 Hobomok was a war-captain 
among the IVamponoags, much be- 
loved of Majfafoit, and influential in 
preferving peace. He received a lot 
in the divifion of lands in Plymouth, 
on which he refided, and where he 
died (as a profefled Chriftian) before 
1642. — [Drake's Book of Indians, 

378 This is the moft puzzling paffage 
in the volume. Dr. Young fuppofed 
it mould read "our allies." Mr. 
Trumbull fays, " ' Or Lemes ' has no 
Indian fenfe that I can difcover. 
Young's reading, 'our allies,' has 

i2o NEW-ENGLAND [54 

little before, being a fpeciall and trufty man of Maffafoyts) 
Tokamahamon went to him, but the other two would 
not ; yet put their Hues in their hands, priuately went to 
fee if they could heare of their King, and lodging at 
Namafchet were difcouered to Coubatant?™ who fet a 
guard to befet the houfe and tooke Tifquantum (for he 
had fayd, if he were dead, the Englifh had loft their 
tongue) Hobbamock feeing that Tifquantum was taken 
and Coubatant held a knife at his breaft, being a ftrong 
and ftout man, brake from them and came to New-Plim- 
moutk, full of feare and forrow for Tifquantum, whom he 
thought to be flaine. [54J 

Vpon this Newes the Company affembled together, 
and refolued on the morrow to fend ten men armed to 
Namafchet and Hobbamock, for their guide, to reuenge 
the fuppofed death of Tifquantum on Coubatant our bit- 
ter Enemy, and to retaine Nepeof another Sachim or 
Gouernour, who was of this confederacy, till we heard, 
what was become of our friend Maffafoyt. 

On the morrow 380 we fet out ten men Armed, who 
tooke their iourney as aforefayd, but the day proved very 
wett. When wee fuppofed we were within three or foure 

never fatisfied me exaftly ; yet I can quarters near Gardner's Neck, in 

fuggeft nothing better, and am dif- Swanfey. He figned a treaty of peace 

pofed to let it go at that." In which with the Plymouth men, with other 

I concur. — [Ms. letter.] fachems, * 3 Sept., 1621. — [Drake's 

379 Coubatant (Corbitant, Caunba- Book of Indians, 94. J 

tant) feems to have had his head- 380 Tuefday, z * August, 1621. 


myles of Namafchetf 1 - we went out of the way and flayed 
there till night, becaufe we would not be difcouered. 
There we confulted what to doe, and thinking beft to 
befet the houfe at mid-night, each was appointed his 
taske by the Captaine, all men incouraging one another, 
to the vtmoft of their power. 

By night our guide loft his way, which much difcour- 
aged our men, being we were wet, and weary of our 
armes : but one of our men hauing beene before at Na- 
mafchet brought vs into the way againe. 

Before we came to the Towne we fat downe and ate 
fuch as our Knapfacke affoorded, that being done, wee 
threw them afide, and all fuch things as might hinder vs, 
and fo went on and befet the houfe, according to our laft 
refolution. Thofe that entred, demaunded if Coubatant 
were not there : but feare had bereft the Savages of 
fpeech. We charged them not to ftirre, for if Coubatant 
were not there, we would not meddle with them, if he 
were, we came principally for him, to be auenged on him 
for the fuppofed death of Tifquantum, and other matters : 
but howfoeuer wee would not at all hurt their women, or 
children. Notwithftanding fome of them preffed out at a 
priuate doore and efcaped, but with fome wounds ; At 

381 Corbitant feems to have had a the Four Corners, — where the well- 
temporary fummer refidence at what known Judge Oliver lived, whofe 
is now known as Muttock Hill, in houfe was burned 4 Nov., 1778. — 
Middleborough, about three-quarters [Ms. letter from W. Latham, Esq. ; 
of a mile N. N.W. of , the village of Wafliburn's Judic. Hiji. Maff., 303.] 

i22 NEW-ENGLAND [55 

length perceiuing our principall ends, they told vs Con- 
batant was returned with all his traine, and that Tifquan- 
tum was yet liuing, and in the towne offering fome To- 
bacco, other fuch as they had to eate. In this hurley 
burley we difcharged two Peeces at randome, which 
much [55] terrified all the Inhabitants, except Tifquan- 
tum and Tokamahamon, who though they knew not our 
end in comming, yet allured them of our honefty, that we 
would not hurt them. Thofe boyes that were in the houfe 
feeing our care of women, often cried NeenJ quaes?* that 
is to fay, I am a Woman : the Women alfo hanging vpon 
Hobbamock, calling him Towam, iiz that is, Friend. But 
to be fhort, we kept them we had, and made them make 
a fire that we might fee to fearch the houfe. In the 
meane time, Hobbamock gat on the top of the houfe, and 
called Tisfquantum and Tokamahamon, which came vnto 
vs accompanied with others, fome armed and others 
naked. Thofe that had Bowes and Arrowes we tooke 
them away, promifing them againe when it was day. 
The houfe we tooke for our better fafegard : but releafed 
thofe we had taken, manifefting whom we came for and 

On the next morning we marched into the middeft of 

382 "Neen /quaes does mean ' I am than Mourt for the word, unlefs it 
a girl.'" — [Ms. note from Hon. J. H. was the writer's way of reporting the 
Trumbull.] word netoikp, 'my friend,' imperfectly 

383 "Towam may mean 'friend;' heard and half-forgotten." — [Ibid.] 
but I find no better or other authority 

56] IN AMERICA i*3 

the Towne, and went to the houfe of Tifquantum to 
breakfaft. Thither came all whofe hearts were vpright 
towardes vs, but all Coubatants faction were fled away. 
There in the middeft of them we manifefted againe our 
intendment, affuring them, that although Coubatant had 
now efcaped vs, yet there was no place fhould fecure him 
and his from vs if he continued his threatning vs, and 
prouoking others againft vs, who had kindly entertained 
him, and neuer intended euill towards him till he now fo 
iuftly deferued it. Moreover, if Maffa/oyt did not re- 
turne in fafetie from Narrohigganfet, or if hereafter he 
fhould make any infurrection againft him, or offer vio- 
lence to Tifquantum, Hobbamock, or any of Maffafoyts 
Subiects, we would revenge it vpon him, to the ouer- 
throw of him and his. As for thofe were wounded, we 
were forry for it, though themfelues procured it in not 
flaying in the houfe at our command : yet if they would 
returne home with vs, our Surgeon fhould heale them. 

At this offer, one man and a woman that were wounded 

went home with vs, Tifquantum and many other knowne 

[56] friends accompanying vs, and offering all helpe that 

might be by carriage of any thing wee had to eafe 

vs. So that by Gods good Providence wee 

fafely returned home the morrow 

night after we fet forth. [57] 

( * * * ) 

I2 4 A [57 


Voyage to the MASSACHVSETS,* 

And what happened there. 

T feemed good to the Company in gene- 
rail, that though the Majfachufets had 
often threatened vs (as we were informed) 
yet we mould goe amongft them, partly 
to fee the Countrey, partly to make Peace 
with them, and partly to procure their trucke. 

For thefe ends the Governours chofe ten men, fit for 
the purpofe, and fent Tifquantum, and two other Salva- 
ges to bring vs to fpeech with the people, and interpret 
for vs. 385 

We fet out about mid-night, 386 the tyde then feruing 

384 The Majjfachufetts tribe was that 
inhabiting the neighborhood of Bofton 
bay. Jonah Cotton fays, in his In- 
dian vocabulary, the word means "an 
hill in the form of an arrow's head." 
Roger Williams says, in a depofition 
taken at Narraganfett, \l June, 1682, 
" I had learnt that the Maflachufetts 
was called fo from the Blue Hills." — ■ 
[3 Mafs. Hi/i. Coll., ii. 235; R.-I. 
Hijl. Coll., iv. 208.] 

38s Bradford's account is as follows: 
"After this, y<= 18. of SepermV: they 
fente out ther Ihalop to the Maffachu- 
fets, with 10. men, and Squanto for 
their guid and interpreter, to difcover 
and veiw that bay, and trade with 
y e natives ; the which they performed, 

and found kind entertainement. The 
people were much affraid of y e Tar- 
entins, a people to ye eaftward which 
ufed to come in harveft time and take 
away their come, & many times kill 
their perfons. They returned in faf- 
tie, and brought home a good quanty 
of beaver, and made reporte of ye 
place, wifhing they had been ther 
feated ; (but it feems ye Lord, who 
affignes to all men ye bounds of their 
habitations, had apoynted it for an 
other ufe.)" — \Hift. Plym. Plant., 

386 Bradford, and Prince (probably 
from him), fix the date of this expe- 
dition as on Tuefday, *g September, 

57] IN AMERICA I2 5 

for vs ; we fuppofing it to be neerer then it is, thought to 
be there the next morning betimes : but it proued well 
neere twentie Leagues from New Plimmouth? 1 

We came into the bottome of the Bay, 388 but being late 
wee anchored and lay in the Shallop, not hauing feene 
any of the people. The next morning 389 we put in for 
the fhore. There we found many Lobfters that had 
beene gathered together by the Saluages, which we made 
ready vnder a cliffe. 390 The Captaine fet two Sentinels 
behind the cliffe to the landward to fecure the Shallop, 
and taking a guide with him, and foure of our company, 
went to feeke the Inhabitants, where they met a woman 
comming for her Lobfters, they told her of them, and 
contented her for them. She told them where the peo- 
ple were ; Tifquantum went to them, the reft returned, 
hauing direction which way to bring the Shallop to them. 

387 The actual diftance, by water, they landed was Copp's Hill; and 
from Plymouth to Bolton is not far Dr. Young \Chron. of Plym., 225] 
from forty-four miles. endorfed his theory. But Mr. Drake 

388 That is, run in by Point Aller- [Hjjl. of Boft., 44], relying for corrob- 
ton into Lighthoufe Channel. oration upon a Ms. of W. T. Harris, 

389 They ltarted at midnight, and Esq., of Cambridge, fuggefts the much 
do not feem to have arrived until late greater probability that they ftruck 
the next day, when they anchored and direftly, a little S. of W. acrofs Quin- 
paifed the night ; fo that this "next cy bay, to the nearer more, and that 
morning" was that of Thurfday, 2 3 ° the "cliffe" was that pile of rocks 
Sept. known as "the chapel" at the N. E. 

39° Dr. Belknap [Amer. Biog., ii. extremity of the peninfula of Squan- 

224] fuppofed that in putting in for turn. After examination of the local- 

the fhore, they went up N.W. through ities, it feems to me that the proba- 

what is now the main fhip-channel, bilities of the cafe greatly favor the 

and that the " cliffe " under which view taken by Mr. Drake. 




The Sachim, or Gouernour of this place, is called 05- 
batinewat?^ and though he Hue in the bottome of the 
Majfachufet bay, yet he is vnder Maffafoyt. He vfed vs 
very kindly ; he told vs, he durft not then remaine in any 
fetled place, for feare of the Tarentines?^ Alfo the 
Squa Sachim^ or Majjfachufets Queene was an enemy 
to him. [58] 

We told him of diuers Sachims that had acknowledged 
themfelues to be King Iames his men, and if he alfo 
would fubmit himfelfe, we would be his fafegard from his 
enemies ; which he did, and went along with vs to bring 
vs to the Squa Sachim. Againe we croffed the Bay 
which is very large, and hath at left fiftie Hands in it : 394 

391 The phrafeology which follows 
in the next paragraph, "if he alfo 
would fubmit himfelfe," feems to for- 
bid the fuppofition, which has been 
entertained by fome [Prince, N. E. 
Chron., pt. ii. 112], that this was the 
Obbatinnua who, with eight other 
fachems, had acknowledged himfelf 
to be "a loyal fubjeft of King James," 
at Plymouth (during the previous 
week), H Sept., 162 1. — [Morton's N. 
E. Mem., 29.] Obbatinewat is fup- 
pofed to have been a fachem of the 

392 " The Tarratines were the in- 
habitants of Penobfcot River. They 
were one of the three Etchemin 
tribes." — [Williamfon's Hift. Me., i. 


393 When Nanapa/hemet (foon to be 

mentioned), the great fachem of the 
Maffachufetts Indians, clied, his queen 
carried on the government as fquaw- 
fachem, marrying Webbacowet, the 
great medicine-man of the nation. In 
1637, fhe deeded a tradt of land in 
Mufketaquid (Concord). *' Jan., 163^ 
fhe fold Myftic Pond, and a large tract 
of land now included in Somerville, 
to Jotham Gibbons of Bolton. z g 
March, 1644, fhe fubmitted to the 
whites. She died before 1662. — 
[Brooks's Hift. Medford, 73, 74.] 

394 Shaw's Hiftory of Bo/lon (a. d. 
1817) contains a lift of the names of 
forty-feven " iflands and rocks in and 
near Bofton harbor." Snow's work 
(a. d. 1828) fays the bay "is befpan- 
gled with upwards of 100 iflands or 
rocks." — [Shaw, 83 ; Snow, 113.J 

58] IN AMERICA I2 7 

but the certaine number is not knowne to the Inhabitants. 
Night it was before wee came to that fide of the Bay 393 
where this people were. On more the Saluages went but 
found no body. That night alfo we rid at Anchor aboord 
the Shallop. 

On the morrow 396 we went afhore, all but two men, 
and marched in Armes vp in the Countrey. Hauing 
gone three myles, we came to a place where Corne had 
beene newly gathered, a houfe pulled downe, and the 
people gone. A myle from hence, Nanepajhemet their 
King in his life time had liued. 397 His houfe was not 
like others, but a fcaffold was largely built, with pools 398 
and plancks fome fix foote from ground, and the houfe 
vpon that, being fituated on the top of a hill. 

Not farre from hence in a bottome, 399 wee came to a 
Fort built by their deceafed King, the manner thus ; 

395 They feem to have crofled from infer any connection between that 
Quincy over to what is now Charlef- word and the name of this chief feems 
town. to be doubtful. — [Brooks's Hift. Med- 

396 Friday, " %$■, 1621. ford, 72 ; NewhalPs Hijl. Lynn, 35 ; 

397 Nanepajhemet is faid to have Shattuck's Hijl. Concord, 2. J Dr. 
been at one time the moft powerful Young is wholly mined in his note 
fachem of New England. He refided here by his theory of their firft land- 
at Lynn until " the great war of the ing at Copp's Hill, which compels 
Taretines," in 1615. He then re- him to fuppofe that croffing the bay 
treated to Medford, where he built would carry them to Squantum, and 
him a houfe on Rock Hill. He was that Nanepajhemet lived on Milton 
killed by the Taretines in 1619. Rog- Hill. 

er Williams [Key, &c, R.-I. Hijl. 398 Poles. 

Coll., i. no] fays that NanepauJIiat 399 In the vicinity of Myftic Pond, 

was the Wampanoag word for in Medford. — [See Drake's Hijl. 

" Moone God" Whether we are to Bojt., 45.] 

i28 NEW-ENGLAND [59 

There were pools fome thirtie or fortie foote long, ftucke 
in the ground as thicke as they could be fet one by anoth- 
er, and with thefe they inclofed a ring fome forty or fifty 
foote ouer. A trench breaft high was digged on each 
fide ; one way there was to goe into it with a bridge ; in 
the midft of this Pallizado ftood the frame of an houfe, 
wherein being dead he lay buryed. 400 

About a myle from hence, we came to fuch another, 
but feated on the top of an hill : here Nanepafhemet was 
killed, none dwelling in it fince the time of his death. 
At this place we ftayed, and fent two Saluages to looke 
the Inhabitants, and to informe them of our ends in com- 
ming, that they might not be fearefull of vs ; Within a 
myle of this place they found the women of the place 
together, with their Corne on heapes, whither we fuppofed 
them to be fled for feare of vs, and the more, becaufe in 
diuers places they had newly pulled downe their houfes, 4 " 1 
and for haft in one place had left fome of their Corne 
couered with a Mat, and no body with it. [59] 

With much feare they entertained vs at firft, but feeing 

4°° An Indian fkeleton was exhumed warning to be gone and the houfe 

in Weft Medford, Mafs., 21 Oct., 1862, up elsewhere, efpecially, if they have 

a fliort diftance S. E. from Myftic flakes readie pitcht for their Mats. 

Pond, which, partly becaufe there was " I once in travell lodged at a houfe, 

with it a pipe with a copper mouth- at which in my returne I hoped to 

piece, it was thought might be Nane- have lodged againe the next night, 

pa/Jiemefs. — [Proceedings MaJJ'.Hi/l. but the houfe was gone in that in- 

Soc, Dec, 1862.] terim, and I was glad to lodge under 

401 « They are quicke ; in halfe a a tree." — [Roger Williams, Key, &c, 

day, yea, fometimes at few houres R.-I. Hiji. Coll., 56.] 

59] IN AMERICA 129 

our gentle carriage towards them, they tooke heart and 
entertained vs in the beft manner they could, boyling 
Cod and fuch other things as they had for vs. At length 
with much fending for came one of their men, making 
and trembling for feare. But when he faw we intended 
them no hurt, but came to trucke, he promifed vs his 
skins alfo. Of him we enquired for their Queene, but it 
feemed fhee was far from thence, at left we could not fee 
her. 402 

Here Tifquantum would haue had vs rifled the Salu- 
age women, and taken their skins, and all fuch things as 
might be feruiceable for vs ; for (fayd he) they are a bad 
people, and haue oft threatned you : But our anfwere 
was ; Were they neuer fo bad, we would not wrong them, 
or giue them any juft occafion againft vs : for their words 
we little weighed them, but if they once attempted any 
thing againft vs, then we would deale far worfe then he 

Hauing well fpent the day, we returned to the Shallop, 
almoft all the Women accompanying vs, to trucke, who 
fold their coats from their backes, and tyed boughes 
about them, but with great fhamefaftneffe 4 ° 3 (for indeed 
they are more modeft then fome of our Englifh women 
are) we promifed them to come againe to them, and they 
vs, to keepe their skins. 

4°2 Mr. Shattuck feems to fuggeft Maffachufetts. — \Hift. Concord, 3.] 
that her refidence was in Concord, 4°3 Shamefacednefs. 


i3o NEW-ENGLAND. [60 

Within this Bay, the Salvages fay, there are two Riuers ; 
the one whereof we faw, hauing a faire entrance, but we 
had no time to difcouer it. 4 " 4 Better harbours for flap- 
ping cannot be then here are. At the entrance of the 
Bay are many Rockes ; 4 ° 5 and in all likelihood very good 
fifhing ground. 406 Many, yea, moft of the Hands haue 
beene inhabited, fome being cleered from end to end, 
but the people are all dead, or remoued. 

Our vicluall growing fcarce, the Winde comming 
fayre, and hauing a light Moone, we fet out at 
euening, and through the goodneffe of 
God, came fafely home be- 
fore noone the day 
following. 407 [60] 

404 The Myftic and the Charles, and Rainsford Rocks, keep their 

the former of which they faw in their places in and around our harbor, 

vifit to Nanepajhemet 's houfe and 4°6 A fuppofition that would then 

grave, &c. have found abundant verification, — 

4°s The Brewfters, Calf Ifland, Egg more fo than now. 

Rock, The Graves, Harding's Rocks, 4°7 Saturday, ™ oa*'> x ^ 21 - 




New-England to a friend in thefe parts, 408 

fetting forth a brief e and true Declaration 

of the worth of that Plantation; 

As alfo certaine vfefull Directions 

for Juch as intend a Voyag e 

into thofe Parts. 

Ouing, and old Friend, 409 although 
I receiued no Letter from you by 
this Ship, 410 yet forafmuch as I 
know you expect the performance 
of my promife, which was, to write 
vnto you truely and faithfully of 
all things. I haue therefore at this 
time fent vnto you accordingly. Referring you for fur- 

4°s This heading was prefixed in 
England by the party receiving the 
letter, who was probably the perfon 
who publiflied the fame, with the 
"more large Relations" which ac- 
companied it, and to which reference 
is made. Writing in England, he 
naturally fays, " thefe " parts. 

4°9 There is reafonable evidence 
that this was George Morton. — See 

410 The fhip which carried this let- 
ter from New Plymouth to old Eng- 
land was the Fortune, the firft which 
followed the Mayflower, in the inter- 
eft of the colony. She was of fifty- 
five tons, and failed from London " in 
the beginning of July [1621], but it 
was the end of Auguft ere they could 
pafs Plymouth, and arrived at New 
Plymouth in New England the elev- 
enth of November." — [Smith's New 




ther fatisfaction to our more large Relations 4 " You fhall 
vnderftand, that in this little time, that a few of vs haue 
beene here, 412 we haue built feauen dwelling houfes, and 
foure for the vfe of the Plantation, 413 and haue made prep- 
aration for divers others. We fet the laft Spring fome 
twentie Acres of Indian Corne, and fowed fome fix Acres 
of Barly & Peafe, and according to the manner of the 
Indians, we manured our ground with Herings or rather 
Shadds, 414 which we haue in great abundance, and take 
with great eafe at our doores 415 Our Corne did proue 

Eng. Trials, 16.] She was laded, 
for her return voyage, "with good 
clapbord as full as fhe could ftowe, 
and 2. hoggfheads of beaver and 
other fkins," &c., the freight being 
eftimated "to be worth near ,£500." 
— [Bradford, Hi/l. Plym. Plant., 108.] 
Bradford fays fhe " ftayed not above 
14. days " (probably after fhe was un- 
laden) [Ibid, no]; and fhe evidently 
failed on her return voyage on Thurf- 
day, * 3 Dec, 1621 \CuJhman Gene- 
alogy, 64] ; and, as fhe neared the Eng- 
lish coaft, was taken by a French 
cruifer, carried into the lie d'Yeu, 
robbed of all her valuables, and then 
releafed, reaching England on Sun- 
day, l 7 ? Feb., 162^. 

4 11 Which make up the bulk of this 

4" Window's letter bears date, 
Tuefday, \\ Dec, 1621. They had 
landed at Plymouth, from the May- 
flower, to commence their fettlement, 
on IVedne/day, 2 ° Dec, 1620; fo that 

the "little time" of which Winflow 
fpeaks lacked but nine days of a year. 

413 It muft be remembered that the 
102 with whom they landed on Cape 
Cod had been reduced exactly one 
half by death ; fo that feven dwelling- 
houfes would now accommodate the 
whole, — in families of from feven to 
eight in each. 

414 The fifh intended was, beyond 
queftion, the alewive. (See note 212.) 
Thomas Morton fays, "There is a 
Fifh (by fome called fhadds, by fome 
allizes [alewives]), that at the fpring 
of the yeare paffe up the rivers to 
fpaune in the ponds ; and are taken 
in fuch multitudes in every river, that 
hath a pond at the end, that the In- 
habitants doung their ground with 
them. You may fee 100 acres to- 
gether fet with thefe Fifh, every acre 
taking 1000. of them." — \New Eng. 
Canaan, Force, 11., v. 60.] 

415 In Town Brook, as the fifh 
thronged it in the fpring to go up. 

61] IN AMERICA 133 

well, & God be prayfed, we had a good increafe of In- 
dian-Come, and our Barly indifferent good, but our Peafe 
not worth the gathering, for we feared they were too late 
fowne, they came vp very well, and bloffomed, but the 
Sunne parched [61] them in the bloffome; our harveft 
being gotten in, our Governour 416 fent foure men on 
fowling, that fo we might after a more fpeciall manner 
reioyce together, after we had gathered the fruit of our 
labours ; 4 ' 7 they foure in one day killed as much fowle, 
as with a little helpe befide, ferved the Company almoft a 
weeke, at which time amongft other Recreations, we ex- 
ercifed our Armes, many of the Indians coming amongft 
vs, and amongft the reft their greateft King Maffafoyt, 
with fome ninetie men, whom for three dayes we enter- 
tained and feafted, and they went out and k lied flue 
Deere, which they brought to the Plantation and be- 
ftowed on our Governour, and vpon the Captaine, and 
others. And although it be not alwayes fo plentifull, as it 
was at this time with vs, yet by the goodneffe of God, we 
are fo farre from want, that we often with you partakers 
of our plentie. 4 ' 8 Wee haue found the Indians very faith- 
full in their Covenant of Peace with vs ; very louing and 
readie to pleafure vs : we often goe to them, and they 

416 " Shortly after [i. e. after Car- 4*7 Here began that peculiar New- 

ver's death, juft fubfequent to ' April, England feftival, — the annual autum- 

1621] William Bradford was chofen nal Thanksgiving. 

Gove r in his ftead." — [Bradford, 418 This was written honeftly when 

Hijl. Plym. Plant., 101.] it was written, though the addition of 




come to vs ; fome of vs haue bin fiftie myles by Land in 
the Country with them ; the occafions and Relations 
whereof, you fhall vndeftand by our generall and more 
full Declaration of fuch things as are worth the noting, 419 
yea, it hath pleafed God fo to poffeffe the Indians with a 
feare of vs, and loue vnto vs, that not onely the greater! 
King amongft them called Majjfafoyt, but alfo all the 
Princes and peoples round about vs, haue either made 
fute vnto vs, or beene glad of any occafion to make 
peace with vs, fo that feauen of them at once haue fent 
their meffengers to vs to that end, 420 yea, an Fie 421 at fea, 
which we neuer faw hath alfo together with the former 

the Fortune's company to theirs, and 
the neceffity of victualing that fliip for 
her return voyage, made them know 
what famine was in the winter that 
was then beginning. Bradford fays, 
" So they were prefently [after the 
Fortune failed] put to half alowance, 
one as well as an other, which begane 
to be hard ; but they bore it patiently 
under hope of fupply." [no.] 

419 See pp. 98-1 1 1. 

420 Morton \N. E. Memorial, 29] 
gives the following document, to 
which Winflow moft likely refers, al- 
though nine names appear upon it : — 

" September ^ Anno Dom. 1 62 1. 

»T7"nowall menbythefe Prefents, 
IV That we whofe Names are 
"under-written do acknowledge our 
"felves to be the Loyal Subjects of 
" King James, King of Great Britain, 
"France and Ireland, Defender of 
" the Faith &c. In Witnefs where- 

" of, and as a Testimonial of the fame, 
"we have Subfcribed our Names or 
" Marks, as followeth. 

" Ohquamehud. Chikkatabak. 

" Cawnacome. Quadaquina. 

" Obbatinnua. Huttamoiden. 

" Nattawahunt. Apannow. 
" Caunbatant." 

421 This is, clearly, a mifprint for 
" He.'' The reference feems to be to 
an occurrence in the latter part of 
Auguft, 1621, when, Bradford fays, 
" Thofe of y e lies of Capawack fent 
to make frendfhip." — \Hifl. Plym. 
Plant., 104.] Morton, fpeaking of 
Capewak, adds, in the margin, " Now 
called Martins Vineyard."- — \N. E. 
Memorial, 26.] Richard Vines, in 
his deed to Thomas Mayhew (of date 
2 4Nov.> l6 40, fpeaks of "ye Iilands 
of Capawock als Martha's Vineyard" 
— [Hough's Nantucket Papers, 4.] 

62] IN AMERICA 135 

yeelded willingly to be vnder the protection, and fubiecls 
to our foueraigne Lord King Iames, fo that there is 
now great peace amongft the Indians themfelues, which 
was not formerly, neither would haue bin but for vs ; and 
we for our parts walke as peaceably and fafely in the 
wood, as in the hie-wayes in England, we entertaine 
them familiarly in our houfes, and they as friendly beftow- 
ing their Venifon on vs. They are a people without any 
Religion, or knowledge of any God, 422 yet very truftie, 
[62] quicke of apprehenfion, ripe witted, iuft, the men 
and women goe naked, onely a skin about their middles ; 
for the temper of the ayre, here it agreeth well with that 
in England, and if there be any difference at all, this is 
fomewhat hotter in Summer, fome thinke it to be colder 
in Winter, but I cannot out of experience fo fay; the 
ayre is very cleere and not foggie, as hath beene reported. 
I neuer in my life remember a more feafonable yeare, 
then we haue here enioyed : and if we haue once but 
Kine, Horfes, and Sheepe, I make no queftion, but men 
might Hue as contented here, as in any part of the world. 
For fifh and fowle, we haue great abundance, frefh Codd 
in the Summer is but courfe 423 meat with vs, our Bay is 
full of Lobfters all the Summer, and affordeth varietie of 

422 "Whereas myfelf, and others, edge of any God, therein I erred, 

in former letters, (which came to the though we could then gather no bet- 

prefs againft my will and knowledge,) ter, &c." — [Window's Good News, 

wrote that the Indians about us are a &c, in Young's Plym. Chron., 355.] 

people without any religion, orknowl- 423 Courfe — rude,mean. — [Bailey,'] 


other Fifli; in September we can take a Hogfhead of 
Eeles in a night, with fmall labour, & can dig them out 
of their beds, all the Winter 424 we haue Muffells and 
Othus 42S at our doores : Oyfters we haue none neere, but 
we can haue them brought by the Indians when we will ; 
all the Spring time the earth fendeth forth naturally very 
good Sallet Herbs ; 426 here are Grapes, white and red, 
and very fweete and ftrong alfo. Strawberies, Goofeber- 
ies, Rafpas, 427 &c. Plums of three forts, with 428 blacke 
and red, being almoft as good as a Damfen ; abundance 
of Rofes, white, red, and damask : fingle, but very fweet 
indeed ; the Countrey wanteth onely induftrious men to 
imploy, for it would grieue your hearts (if as I) you had 
feene fo many myles together by goodly Riuers vninhab- 
ited, 429 and withall to confider thofe parts of the world 
wherein you Hue, to be euen greatly burthened with 
abundance of people. Thefe things I thought good to 
let you vnderftand, being the truth of things as nere as I 

424 The previous winter had been ity, and its shell-fifhery, to feel fure 

exceptionally mild. See note 261 ; that the word which Winnow ought 

also note 327. to have written here was " clams ; " 

42s What mould be the true correc- while I think it quite as likely that 

tion of this is not quite fo obvious as that word in the Ms. would have been 

the faft of the mifprint. Dr. Young twifted into this text, as any other, 
fuggefts \Plym. Chron., 233] that it 426 Salad herbs, 
was intended for " other," the word 427 Probably written Rafpis, which 

"mell-fim" being accidentally omitted, is an obfolete name for the rafpberry. 

Dr. Cheever, in his reprint \N. E. — [Web/ler.] 
in America, 97], says, "Perhaps this 428 A mifprint for "white " ? 
is a mifprint for the word cockles. 1 ' 429 See the narrative of the journey 

I am familiar enough with the locali- to Packanokik, efpecially page 103. 

6 3] IN AMERICA 137 

could experimentally take knowledge of, and that you 
might on our behalfe giue God thankes who hath delt fo 
fauourably with vs. 

Our fupply of men from you came the ninth of No- 
vember 1 6 2 1. putting in at Cape Cod, fome eight or ten 
leagues from vs, the Indians that dwell thereabout were 
they who were owners of the Corne which we found 
in Caues, for which we haue giuen them full content, 
and are in great [63] league with them, they fent vs 
word there was a fhip 43 ° nere vnto them, but thought it 
to be a French man, and indeede for our felues, we ex- 
pected not a friend fo foone. But when we perceived 
that fhe made for our Bay, the Gouernor commanded a 
great Peece to be fhot off, to call home fuch as were 
abroad at worke ; whereupon euery man, yea, boy that 
could handle a Gun were readie, with full refolution, that 
if fhe were an Enemy, we would ftand in our iuft defence, 
not fearing them, but God provided better for vs then we 
fuppofed ; thefe came all in health vnto vs, not any being 
ficke by the way (otherwife then by Sea fickneffe) and 
fo continue at this time, by the bleffing of God, 431 the 

43° The Fortune. received their lots \Plym. Col. Rec, 

431 The number of perfons added to xii. 5], were as follows : — 
the Plymouth colony by this arrival 

was thirty-five; befides whom came 1. William Hilton [left wife and two 

Robert Cufhman, to return with the children to come in the Ann. 

fhip. The names of thefe paffengers, He removed to Dover, N. H., 

arranged in the order in which they before 1627, and thence to Kit- 




good-wife Ford was deliuered of a forme the firft night 
fhee landed, and both of them are very well. When it 
pleafeth God, we are fetled and fitted for the fifhing 

tery, Me., where he was living 
in 1 66 1. — Savage's Gen. Did., 
ii. 423.] 

2. John Winflow [brother of Edward, 

came fmgle ; married Mary 
Chilton. In 1657, removed to 
Bofton, where he was a thrifty 
merchant, and died 1674, leav- 
ing a large family. — Savage's 
Gen. Dill., iv. 601.J 

3. William Conner [came fingle ; died 

or removed before 1627.] 

4. John Adams [came fingle ; married 

Elinor Newton ; died 1633, 
leaving two fons and a daugh- 
ter. — Savage's Gen. Dill., i. 

5. William Tench [came fingle, and 

either died or removed before 
6 John Cannon [came fingle, and died 
or removed before 1627.] 

7. Hugh Stacie [removed to Dedham, 

and thence to Salem. It is 
conjectured that he may have 
thence gone home, and been 
the perfon of that name who 
with his wife helped to form 
the Congregational Church in 
Wrentham, England, under 
Rev. John Phillip, in 1650. — 
Savage's Gen. Dill., iv. 159 ; 
Browne's Hi/l. Cong. Ch. at 
Wrentham, Suffolk, 13.] 

8. William Beale [came fingle, and 

died or removed before 1627.] 

9. Thomas Cufhman [was fon of Rob- 

ert, now fourteen years old, 
and left with Gov. Bradford ; 
was freeman in 1633 ; married 
Mary Allerton, 163I ; removed 
to Jones's River, in Kingfton, 
about 1637, where he lived and 
died ; 1649 was chofen Ruling 
Elder of the Plymouth Church; 
died II Dec, 1691. — Cu/hman 
Genealogy, 84-99.] 

10. Auftin Nicholas [died or removed 

before 1627.] 

11. Widow Ford [had lately loft her 

husband, probably in England, 
and brought with her children 
William, John, and Martha, 
and had another child the night 
after landing. It has been con- 
jectured that fhe married Peter 
Browne (fee note 27, No. 33, 
and note 265), and that (he re- 
turned, or died, before 1627. 
— Savage's Gen. Dill., ii. 182.] 

12. William Wright [had wife Prif- 

cilla, and by his will of *' Sept., 
1633, feems to have had no 
children.— Savage's Gen. Dill., 
iv. 661.] 

13 William Pitt [mull have died or 

removed (perhaps to Marble- 
head) between 1624 and 1627.] 

14 Robert Hicks. [His wife Margaret 

followed in the Ann, with two 
fons and two daughters. Hicks 
had been a leather-drefler in 

6 3] IN AMERICA 139 

bufines, and other trading, I doubt not but by the 
bleffing of God, the gayne will giue content to all ; in 
the meane time, that we haue gotten we haue fent by 

London. He died 2 * %™;, 164. 
— Savage's Gen. Die!., ii., 410.] 

15. Thomas Prence [was fon of 

Thomas of Lechlade, Gloucef- 
terfliire ; married, 2 S Aug., 1624, 
Patience, daughter of Elder 
William Brewfter ; had five 
children by her ; me died in 

1634, and he removed to Dux- 
bury, and married, * Q April, 

1635, Mary, daughter of Wil- 
liam Collier, by whom he had 
four children ; was Governor 18. 
and Affiftant ; removed to Eaft- 
ham in 1645, where his wife 
died, and, 1662, he married the 
widow of Samuel Freeman ; 

he removed again, in 1663, 
to Plymouth, where he died, 
IapS"' *7\' aged 72— Sav- 
age's Gen. Did., iii. 477.] 

16. Stephen Dean [built the firft corn- 

mill in New England, in 1632 ; 
married, about 1627, Elizabeth 
Ring; had three daughters, and 
died in Sept., 1634. — Savage's 
Gen. Dili., ii. 30.] 

17. Mofes Symonfon (Simmons) [was 

born at Leyden ; probably 
brought wife with him, but no 
child ; fettled at Duxbury; was 
one of the original proprietors 
of Dartmouth, Bridgewater, 
and Middleborough, but does 
not appear to have removed to 
either. He left two children. 

Winflow fays of him (Hypocri- 
fe Unmafhed, 95), " Yea at this 
very inftant, another called 
Mofes Symonfon, becaufe a 
child of one that was in com- 
munion with the Dutch Church 
at Leyden, is admitted into 
Church-fellowfliip at Plymouth 
in New-England, and his chil- 
dren alfo to Baptifm, as well as 
our own," &c. — Savage's Gen. 
Die!., iv. 100.] 
Philip de la Noye (Delano). [Of 
him Winflow fays {Hypocrifie 
Unmafked, 96), " There is alfo 
one Philip Delanoy born of 
French parents, came to us 
from Leyden to New-Plymouth, 
who comming to age of difcern- 
ing, demanded alfo communion 
with vs, & proving himfelf to 
be come of fuch parents as 
were in ful communion with 
the French Churches, was here 
upon admitted by the Church 
of Plymouth ; and after upon 
his removal of habitation to 
Duxburrow where M. Ralph 
Partridge is Paftor of the 
Church ; and upon Letters 
of recommendation from the 
Church at Plymouth, hee was 
alfo admitted into fellowfhip 
with the Church at Duxbur- 
row, being fix miles diftant 
from Plymouth &c." He mar- 




this fhip, and though it be not much, yet it will witneffe 
for vs, that wee haue not beene idle, confidering the 

ried, *| Dec, 1*634, Either 
Dewfbury, and, after her death, 
Mary, widow of James Glafs 
and daughter of William Pon- 
tus, and had nine children. 
He removed to Duxbury foon 
after 1632, and died about 
1 68 1, at. 79, leaving an eltate 
valued at ^50. — Winfor's Dux- 
bury, 65, 25 i.J 

19. Edward Bompaffe (Bumpus) [lived 

at Duxbury before 1634, but 
moft of his days at Marflifield ; 
had wife Hannah and eight 
children. — Thomas's Mem. of 
Marjhfield, 48.] 

20. Clement Briggs [was quite young 

when he landed now ; removed 
to Dorchefter ; there married 
Joan Allen, 163° ; thence re- 
moved to Weymouth. He had 
five fons. — Savage's Gen. Dift., 
i. 251.] 

21. James Stewart [died or removed 

before 1627.] 

22. William Palmer [brought his fon 

William, his wife Frances com- 
ing in the next fhip ; he re- 
moved to Duxbury; had a fec- 
ondwife; died early in 1638. 
— Savage's Gen. Did., iii. 342.] 

23. Jonathan Brewfter [was eldeft fon 

of the Elder. Mr. Savage fays 
he was born in Scrooby, Eng. 
But I have in my pofleffion a 
copy of an affidavit from the 
Leyden Records, which ftates 

that he was "about 16 years 
old" *\]™y, 1609, which would 
throw back his birth to 1583, a 
date 11 years anterior to Mr. 
Hunter's record of the pref- 
ence of his father at Scrooby. 
This would make him 37 at 
landing. He was a ribbon 
weaver, and received the right 
of citizenfhip in Leyden, \° J™ y e > 
1617. He was in command of 
the Plymouth trading houfe on 
Connecticut River, in June, 
1636 ; removed to Duxbury 
thence to New London, Ct, be- 
fore 1649, where he died before 
Sept., 1659. — Leyden Mf. Rec; 
Savage's Gen. Ditl., i. 244.] 

24. Bennet Morgan [died or removed 

before 1627.] 

25. Thomas Flavel. [His fon came 

with him ; his wife followed in 
the Ann ; but all were dead or 
removed before 1627.] 

26. Thomas Morton [either died or 

removed before 1627.] 

27. William Baflet [was a "journey- 

man mafon" from Sandwich, 
Eng.; ' May, 161 1, was to 
have married Maggie Butler 
of Norwich, but me died ; *' 
Aug., 161 1, did marry Mar- 
garet Oldham ; had a wife 
Elizabeth, with three children, 
at Plymouth in 1627; lived at 
Duxbury in 1637 ; removed to 
Bridgewater, and died 1667. — 

64] IN AMERICA hi 

fmallneffe of our number all this Summer. 433 We hope 
the Marchants will accept of it, and be incouraged to 
furnifh vs with things needfull for further imployment, 
which will alfo incourage vs to put forth our felues to the 
vttermoft. Now becaufe I expect your comming vnto vs 433 
with other of our friends, whofe companie we much defire, 
I thought good to aduertife you of a few things needfull ; 
be carefull to haue a very good bread-roome to put your 
Biskets in, let your Cask for Beere and Water be Iron- 
bound for the firft tyre if not more ; let not your meat be 
drie falted, none can better doe it then the Saylers ; let 
your meale be fo hard trodd in your Cask that you fhall 
need an Ads or Hatchet to worke it out with : Truft not 
too much on vs for Corne at this time, for by reafon of 
this laft company that came, depending wholy vpon vs, we 
shall haue little enough till harueft ; be carefull to come 
by fome of your meale to fpend by the way, it will much 
refrefh you, build your Cabbins as open as you can, 
and bring good ftore of clothes, and bed- [64] ing with 
you ; bring euery man a Musket or fowling Peece, let 
your Peece be long in the barrell, and feare not the waight 
of it, for moft of our mooting is from Stands ; bring iuyce 

Ley den Mf. Rec.j Savage's died in the interval before this lift 

Gen. Diil., i. 136.] was made. 

432 See note 372. 

Thefe twenty-feven, with fuch of 433 George Morton came with his 

their wives and children as came family in the Ann, which failed from 

with them, made up the full number London the laft of April, or firft of 

brought by the fhip, unlefs fome one May, 1623. 

i42 NEW-ENGLAND, &c. [65 

of Lemons, and take it failing, it is of good vfe ; for hot 
waters, Anni-feed water is the beft, but vfe it fparingly : 
if you bring any thing for comfort in the Country, Butter 
or Sallet oyle, or both is very good ; our Indian Corne 
even the courfeft, maketh as pleafant meat as Rice, there- 
fore fpare that vnleffe to fpend by the way ; bring Paper, 
and Linced oyle for your Windowes, 434 with Cotton yarne 
for your Lamps ; let your fhott be moft for bigge Fowles, 
and bring ftore of Powder and (hot : I forbeare further to 
write for the prefent, hoping to fee you by the next re- 
turne, fo I take my leaue, commending you to the Lord 
for a fafe conduct vnto vs. Refting in him 

Plimmouth in New-England 

this 1 1. of December. Tour louing Friend 

16 2I - 435 E. W. 436 [65] 

434 This, with the "daubing" be- 435 Tuefday, \\ Dec, 1621,— juft 

fore mentioned (fee note 282), give one year from the day on which the 

one an idea of the rudenefs of the firft landing took place from the flial- 

houfes of this plantation at this time, lop upon the rock. 

Glafs windows were then far beyond 436 There can be no doubt that this 

their means. was Edward Winflow. (See note 152.) 

85] 143 

Reafbns & confiderations touching 

the lawfulnefle of remouing out of 

England into the parts of America. 

Orafmuch as many exceptions are daily made The Pream- 
againft the going into, and inhabiting of 
forraine defert places, to the hinderances of 
plantations abroad, and the increafe of di- 
ffractions at home : It is not amiffe that fome which haue 
beene eare witneffes of the exceptions made, and are 
either Agents or Abettors of fuch remouals and planta- 
tions, doe feeke to giue content to the world, in all things 
that poffibly they can. 

And although the moft of the oppofites are fuch as 
either dreame of raifing their fortunes here, to that then 
which there is nothing more vnlike, or fuch as affecting 
their home-borne countrey fo vehemently, as that they 
had rather with all their friends begge, yea ftarue in it, 
then vndergoe a little difficultie in feeking abroad ; yet 
are there fome who out of doubt in tenderneffe of con- 
fcience, and feare to offend God by running before they 
be called, are ftraitned and doe ftraiten others, from going 
to forraine plantations. 

For whofe caufe efpecially, I haue beene drawne out of 
my good affection to them, to publifh fome reafons that 
might giue them content and fatisfaction, and alfo ftay 
and flop the wilfull and wittie cauiller : and herein I truft 

144 t 66 

I fhall not be blamed of any godly wife, though thorow 
my flender iudgement I fhould miffe the marke, and not 
ftrike the naile on the head, confidering it is the firft at- 
tempt that hath beene made (that I know of) to defend 
thofe enterprifes. Reafon would therefore, that if any 
man of deeper reach and better iudgement fee further or 
otherwife, that he rather inftruct me, then deride me. 
cautions. And being ftudious for breuitie, we mull firft confider, 
Gen. .2. i, 2 . tHat whereas God of old did call and fummon our Fathers 

& 35. i. # , ... 

by predictions, dreames, vifions, and certaine illumina- 
tions [66] to goe from their countries, places and habita- 
Mat. 2 . I9 . tions, to refide and dwell here or there, and to wander vp 
p/ai. .o S . .3. anc j ^owne f rom c itie to citie, and Land to Land, accord- 
ing to his will and pleafure. Now there is no fuch call- 
ing to be expected for any matter whatfoeuer, neither 
muft any fo much as imagine that there will now be any 
fuch thing. God did once fo traine vp his people, but 
now he doth not, but fpeakes in another manner, and fo 
'we muft apply our felues to Gods prefent dealing, and 
not to his wonted dealing : and as the miracle of giuing 
Manna ceafed, when the fruits of the land became plen- 
tie, fo God hauing fuch a plentifull ftorehoufe of direc- 
tions in his holy word, there muft not now any extraor- 
dinarie reuelations be expected. 

But now the ordinarie examples and precepts of the 
Scriptures reafonably and rightly vnderftood and applied, 


I0JI1. 5. 12. 

6 7] 145 

muft be the voice and word, that muft call vs, preffe vs, 
and direct vs in euery action. 

Neither is there any land or poffeffion now, like vnto 
the poffeffion which the Iewes had in Canaan, being le- 

' & Gen. 17. 8. 

gaily holy and appropriated vnto a holy people the feed 
of Abraham, in which they dwelt fecurely, and had their 
daies prolonged, it being by an immediate voice faid, 
that he (the Lord) gaue it them as a land of reft after 
their wearie trauels, and a type of Eternall reft in heauen, 
but now there is no land of that Sanclimonie, no land fo 
appropriated ; none typicall : much leffe any that can be 
faid to be giuen of God to any nation as was Canaan, 
which they and their feed muft dwell in, till God fendeth 
vpon them fword or captiuitie : but now we are in all 
places ftrangers and Pilgrims, trauellers and foiourners, 
moft properly, hauing no dwelliug but in this earthen 2 c„r. s . t , 
Tabernacle ; our dwelling is but a wandring, and our 
abiding but as a fleeting, and in a word our home is no lewIsTutU 
where, but in the heauens : in that houfe not made with Lu u'eZgs 
hands, whofe maker and builder is God, and to which all j^nces T™ 
afcend that loue the comming of our Lord Jefus. thenourT 

Though then, there may be reafons to perfwade a man 
to Hue in this or that land, yet there cannot be the fame 
reafons which the Iewes had, but now as naturall, ciuill 
and Religious [67] bands tie men, fo they muft be bound, 
and as good reafons for things terrene and heauenly ap- 
peare, fo they muft be led. And fo here falleth in our 

i 4 6 [67 

queftion, how a man that is here borne and bred, and 


hath liued fome yeares, may remoue himfelfe into another 

Answ. I anfwer, a man muft not respect only to liue, and doe 

what per- good to himfelfe, but he mould fee where he can liue to 

fons may _ , t 

hence re- doe moft good to others : for as one faith, //<? whofe huing 


is but for himfelfe, it is time he were dead. Some men 
there are who of neceffitie muft here liue, as being tied 
to duties either to Church, Common-wealth, houfhold, 
kindred, &c. but others, and that many, who doe no good 
in none of thofe nor can doe none, as being not able, or 
not in fauour, or as wanting opportunitie, and liue as 
outcafts : no bodies, eie-fores, eating but for themfelues, 
teaching but themfelues, and doing good to none, either 
in foule or body, and fo paffe ouer daies, yeares, and 
moneths, yea fo liue and fo die. Now fuch mould lift vp 
their eies and fee whether there be not fome other place 
and countrie to which they may goe to doe good and 
haue vfe towards others of that knowledge, wifdome, 
why they humanitie, reafon, ftrength, skill, facultie, &c. which God 
moue. hath giuen them for the feruice of others and his owne 

But not to paffe the bounds of modeftie fo far as to 
name any, though I confeffe I know many, who fit here 
Luk. i 9 . 20. ftiU "with their talent in a napkin, hauing notable endow- 
ments both of body and minde, and might doe great 
good if they were in fome places, which here doe none, 

68] i 4 7 

nor can doe none, and yet through flefhly feare, niceneffe, 
ftraitneffe of heart, &c. fit ftill and looke on, and will not 
hazard a dram of health, nor a day of pleafure, nor an 
houre of reft to further the knowledge and faluation of 
the fons of Adam in that New world, where a drop of the Rea f. i. 
knowledge of Chrifl is moft precious, which is here not 
fet by. Now what fhall we fay to fuch a profeffion of 
Chrift, to which is ioyned no more deniall of a mans 
felfe ? But fome will fay, what right haue I to goe liue ot,m. 
in the heathens countrie ? 

Letting paffe the ancient difcoueries, contracts and An/w. 
agreements which our Englifh men haue long fince made 
in thofe [68] parts, together with the acknowledgement 
of the hiftories and Chronicles of other nations, who pro- 
feffe the land of America from the Cape De Florida vnto 
the Bay of Canado (which is South and North 300. 
leagues and vpwards ; and Eaft and Weft, further then 
yet hath beene difcouered) is proper to the King of Eng- 
land, yet letting that paffe, left I be thought to meddle 
further then it concerns me, or further then I haue dif- 
cerning: I will mention fuch things as are within my 
reach, knowledge, fight and pracldfe, fince I haue trauailed 
in thefe affaires. 

And firft feeing we daily pray for the conuerfion of the Ke*j, ,. 
heathens, we muft confider whether there be not fome 
ordinary meanes, and courfe for vs to take to conuert 
them, or whether praier for them be only referred to Gods 

148 [6g 

extraordinarie worke from heauen. Now it feemeth vnto 
me that we ought alfo to endeuour and vfe the meanes to 
conuert them, and the meanes cannot be vfed vnleffe we 
goe to them or they come to vs : to vs they cannot come, 
our land is full : to them we may goe, their land is emptie. 
Reaf.3. This then is a fufficient reafon to proue our going 

thither to Hue, lawfull : their land is fpatious and void, & 
there are few and doe but run ouer the graffe, as doe alfo 
the Foxes and wilde beafts : they are not induftrious, 
neither haue art, fcience, skill or facultie to vfe either the 
land or the commodities of it, but all fpoiles, rots, and is 
marred for want of manuring, gathering, ordering, &c. 
As the ancient Patriarkes therefore remoued from ftraiter 
places into more roomthy, where the Land lay idle and 
wafte, and none vfed it, though there dwelt inhabitants 
by them, as Gen. 13. 6. 11. 12. and 34. 21. and 41. 20. fo 
is it lawfull now to take a land which none vfeth, and 
make vfe of it. 
Reaj.i. And as it is a common land or vnufed, & vndreffed 

This is to be _ . . 

conGderedas countrey ; 10 we haue it by common content, compofition 

respecting _ , m 

new Eng- and agreement, which agreement is double : Firft the 

land, andthe T . 1 _, „ , . 

territories Imperial Gouernor Majfafoit, whofe circuits in likelihood 

about the 1 .. 

plantation, are larger then England and Scotland, hath acknowl- 
edged the Kings Maieftie of England to be his Matter 
and Commander, and that once in my hearing, yea and 
in writing, vnder his hand to Captaine [69] Standijh, 
both he and many other Kings which are vnder him, as 

69] 149 

Pamet, Naufet, Cummaquid, Narrow Mggonfet, Namaf- 
chet, &c, with diuers others that dwell about the baies of 
Patuxet, and Maffachufet : neither hath this beene accom- 
plifhed by threats and blowes, or fhaking of fword, and 
found of trumpet, for as our facultie that way is fmall, 
and our ftrength leffe : fo our warring with them is after 
another manner, namely by friendly vfage, loue, peace, 
honeft and iuft cariages, good counfell, &c, that fo we 
and they may not only Hue in peace in that land, and p/ai. .10. 3 . 
they yeeld fubieclion to an earthly Prince, but that as 
voluntaries they may be perfwaded at length to embrace 
the Prince of peace Chrift Iefus, and reft in peace with 
him for euer. 

Secondly, this compofition is alfo more particular and 
applicatorie as touching our felues there inhabiting : the 
Emperour by a ioynt confent, hath promifed and ap- 
pointed vs to Hue at peace, where we will in all his do- 
minions, taking what place we will, and as much land as 
we will, and bringing as many people as we will, and that 
for thefe two caufes. Firft, becaufe we are the feruants 
of lames King of England, whofe the land (as he confeff- 
eth) is, 2. becaufe he hath found vs iuft, honeft, kinde and 
peaceable, and fo loues our company ; yea, and that in 
thefe things there is no diffimulation on his part, nor 
feare of breach (except our fecuritie ingender in them 
fome vnthought of trecherie, or our vnciuilitie prouoke 
them to anger) is moft plaine in other Relations, 437 which 

437 The " Relations " preceding in this volume, are thofe here intended. 

150 [7° 

fhew that the things they did were more out of loue then 
out of feare. 

It being then firft a vaft and emptie Chaos : Secondly 
acknowledged the right of our Soueraigne King: Thirdly, 
by a peaceable compofition in part poffeffed of diuers of 
his louing fubiects, I fee not who can doubt or call in 
queftion the lawfulneffe of inhabiting or dwelling there, 
but that it may be as lawfull for fuch as are not tied vpon 
fome fpeciall occafion here, to liue there as well as here, 
yea, and as the enterprife is weightie and difficult, fo the 
honour is more worthy, to plant a rude wilderneffe, to 
enlarge the honour and fame of our dread Soueraigne, 
but chiefly to difplaie the [70] efficacie & power of the 
Gofpell both in zealous preaching, profeffing, and wife 
walking vnder it, before the faces of thefe poore blinde 

As for fuch as object the tedioufneffe of the voyage 
thither, the danger of Pirats robberie, of the fauages 
Prm. 22. i 3 . treacherie, &c. thefe are but Lyons in the way, and it 
were well for fuch men if they were in heauen, for who 
can fhew them a place in this world where iniquitie fhall 
not compaffe them at the heeles, and where they fhall 
haue a day without griefe, or a leafe of life for a moment; 
and who can tell but God, what dangers may lie at our 
doores, euen in our natiue countrie, or what plots may be 
abroad, or when God will caufe our funne to goe downe 
at noone daies, and in the midft of our peace and 

Pfal. 49. S 
Mat. 6. 34 

A mos 8. 9. 

7o] 151 

fecuritie, lay vpon vs fome lafting fcourge for our fo long 
neglecl and contempt of his moft glorious Gofpell. 

But we haue here great peace, plentie of the Gofpell, ot. 
and many fweet delights and varietie of comforts. 

True indeed, and farre be it from vs to denie and ah/w. 
diminifh the leaft of thefe mercies, but haue we rendered a C hron. 32 , 
vnto God thankfull obedience for this long peace, whilft 2S ' 
other peoples haue beene at wars ? haue we not rather 
murmured, repined, and fallen at iars amongft our felues, 
whilft our peace hath lafted with forraigne power ? was 
there euer more fuits in law, more enuie, contempt and 
reproch then now adaies ? Abraham and Lot departed 

Gen. 13. 9,10. 

afunder when there fell a breach betwixt them, which 
was occafioned by the ftraightneffe of the land : and 
furely I am perfwaded, that howfoeuer the frailties of 
men are principall in all contentions, yet the ftraitnes 
of the place is fuch, as each man is faine to plucke his 
meanes as it were out of his neighbours throat, there is 
fuch preffing and oppreffing in towne and countrie, about 
Farmes, trades, traffique, &c. fo as a man can hardly any 
where fet vp a trade but he fhall pull downe two of his 

The Townes abound with young tradef-men, and the 
Hofpitals are full of the Auncient, the country is replen- 
ifhed with new Farmers, and the Almef-houfes are filled 
with old Labourers, many there are who get their liuing 
with bearing burdens, but moe are faine to burden the 

152 [7i 

land with their [71] whole bodies : multitudes get their 
meanes of life by prating, and fo doe numbers more by 
begging. Neither come thefe ftraits vpon men alwaies 
through intemperancy, ill husbandry, indifcretion, &c. as 
fome thinke, but euen the moil wife, fober, and difcreet 
men, goe often to the wall, when they haue done their 
belt, wherein as God's prouidence fwaieth all, fo it is eafie 
to fee, that the ftraitneffe of the place hauing in it fo many 
ftrait hearts, cannot but produce fuch effects more and 
more, fo as euery indifferent minded man fhould be ready 
to fay with Father Abraham, Take thou the right hand, 
and I will take the left: Let vs not thus oppreffe, ftraiten, 
and afflict one another, but feeing there is a fpatious 
Land, the way to which is thorow the fea, wee will end 
this difference in a day. 

That I fpeake nothing about the bitter contention that 
hath beene about Religion, by writing, difputing, and 
inueighing earneftly one againft another, the heat of 
which zeale if it were turned againft the rude barbarifme 
of the Heathens, it might doe more good in a day, then 
it hath done here in many yeares. Neither of the little 
loue to the Gofpell, and profit which is made by the 
Preachers in moft places, which might eafily driue the 
zealous to the Heathens who no doubt if they had 
but a drop of that knowledge which here flieth about 
the ftreetes, would be filled with exceeding great ioy and 

72] 153 

gladneffe, as that they would euen plucke the kingdome 
of heauen by violence, and take it as it were by force. 

The greateft let that is yet behinde is the fweet fellow- n * la(l let ' 
fhip of friends, and the fatietie of bodily delights. 

But can there be two neerer friends almoft then Abra- 
ham and Lot, or then Paul and Barnabas, and yet vpon 
as little occafions as we haue heere, they departed afunder, 
two of them being Patriarches of the Church of old ; the 
other the Apoftles of the Church which is new, and their 
couenants were fuch as it feemeth might binde as much 
as any couenant betweene men at this day, and yet to 
auoid greater inconueniences they departed afunder. 

Neither muft men take fo much thought for the flefh, 
as not [72] to be pleafed except they can pamper their 
bodies with varietie of dainties. Nature is content with 
little, and health is much endangered, by mixtures vpon 
the ftomach : The delights of the palate doe often inflame 
the vitall parts : as the tongue fetteth a fire the whole s g 
body. Secondly, varieties here are not common to all, 
but many good men are glad to fnap at a cruft. The 
rent taker Hues on fweet morfels, but the rent payer eats 
a drie cruft often with watery eies : and it is nothing to 
fay what fome one of a hundreth hath, but what the 
bulke, body and cominalty hath, which I warrant you is 
fhort enough. 

And they alfo which now liue fo fweetly, hardly will 
their children attaine to that priuiledge, but fome circum- 

154 [72 

uentor or other will outftrip them, and make them fit in 
the duft, to which men are brought in one age, but can- 
not get out of it againe in 7. generations. 

To conclude, without all partialitie, the prefent con- 
fumption which groweth vpon vs here, whilft the land 
groaneth vnder fo many clofe-fifted and vnmercifull men, 
being compared with the eafineffe, plaineneffe and plenti- 
fulneffe in liuing in thofe remote places, may quickly 
perfwade any man to a liking of this courfe, and to prac- 
tife a remoual, which being done by honeft, godly and 
induftrious men, they fhall there be right hartily welcome, 
but for other of diffolute and prophane life, their roomes 
are better then their companies ; for if here where the 
Gofpell hath beene fo long and plentifully taught, they are 
yet frequent in fuch vices as the Heathen would fhame 
to fpeake of, what will they be when there is leffe reftraint 
in word and deed ? My onely fute to all men is, that 
whether they Hue there or here, they would learne to vfe 
this world as they vfed it not, keeping faith and a good 
confcience, both with God and men, that when the day 
of account fhall come, they may come forth as good and 
fruitfull feruants, and freely be receiued, and enter into 

the ioy of their matter, 

X. C. 



C{jnrtT0l0jgraI CaMe of (Bbtxd*. 

Day of 


o. s. 

N. S. 




5 Aug. 
13 Aug. 
23 Aug. 

15 Aug. 
23 Aug. 

2 Sept. 



6 Sept. 
9 Nov. 

16 Sept. 
19 Nov. 


11 Nov. 

21 Nov. 


13 Nov. 

23 Nov. 


15 Nov. 

25 Nov. 


16 Nov. 

26 Nov. 


17 Nov. 

27 Nov. 


27 Nov. 

7 Dec. 


28 Nov. 

8 Dec. 


29 Nov. 

9 Dec. 


30 Nov. 

10 Dec. 


5 Dec. 

15 Dec. 


6 Dec. 

16 Dec. 



Left Leyden 

Sailed from Southampton 

Put back to Dartmouth 

Sailed again 

Put back, the fecond time, to Plymouth 

Sailed from Plymouth 

Saw Cape Cod 

Anchored in Provincetown harbor, 

figned compact, and went afhore .... 
Unftiipped the ftiallop, and went on ftiore 

to wafti, &c 

Started on firft expedition inland — 

camped at Stout's Creek 

Found the Truro Springs ; made fire ; 

went to Pond Village, Pamet River, 

and Cornhill ; dug up corn, &c. ; and 

went back to Pond Village for the 


Sunk the kettle in the pond, and went 

back to the fhip 

Large exploring party ftarted in the 

ftiallop, and got to E. Harbor Creek 
Went on to Pamet River, and inland 

from it 

Revifited Cornhill, and Mafter Jones 

and a part returned 

Found the wigwams, graves, &c, &c, 

and got back that night and found 

Peregrine White had been born in 

their abfence 

Francis Billington nearly blows up the 

Mayflower » 

The third exploring party ftarted in the 

ftiallop, and got as far as Eaftham . . 










Day of 

O. S. 

N. S. 




















7 Dec. 

8 Dec. 

9 Dec, 

io Dec, 
ii Dec. 

12 Dec. 

IS Dec. 

17 Dec 

18 Dec 

19 Dec. 

20 Dec 

21 Dec, 

22 Dec, 
25 Dec. 


16 Dec, 

18 Dec. 

19 Dec. 

20 Dec, 

21 Dec 

22 Dec. 

23 Dec. 

24 Dec. 

25 Dec. 

26 Dec. 

27 Dec 

28 Dec. 

29 Dec. 

30 Dec. 
1 Jan. 
3 Jan. 

26 Dec 

28 Dec 

29 Dec, 

30 Dec, 

31 Dec, 

1 Jan. 

2 Jan. 

3 Jan. 

4 Jan. 

5 Jan. 

6 Jan. 

7 Jan. 

8 Jan. 

9 Jan. 
10 Jan. 
13 Jan. 


Explored up toward Wellfleet Bay, and 
inland, and flept at Great-Meadow 

Firft encounter with the Indians ; then 
coafted round, and ran in under the 
lee of Clark's Ifland, in Plymouth 
Harbor, in a north-eafter, in the even- 

Staid on the Ifland, probably refitting 
their broken maft, &c, &c 

Kept the Sabbath on Clark's Ifland . . . 

Forefather's Day. Landed on the 
rock, and explored the coaft 

Started back for the Mayflower, and 
probably reached her 

Weighed anchor for Plymouth, but 
could not fetch the harbor, and were 
obliged to put back toward Cape Cod 

Dropped anchor infide Plymouth Beach 

Landed from the Mayflower, and ex- 

Landed for a fecond exploration 

Landed again, and determined to fettle 
near Burial Hill and Town Brook . . . 

Stormy and wet, fo that thofe in the 
fhip could not go afhore, and thofe on 
the fhore could do nothing. Richard 
Britteridge dies 

Still ftormy. Goodwife Allerton (Mrs. 
Isaac) has a ftillborn fon 

Commence to gather fluff for building. . 

Thofe on fhore hear a cry of favages, 
as they think. Solomon Prower dies 

Bufy in building the common houfe ; 
thought they heard Indians towards 
night. Began to drink water on 

Foul weather ; no going afhore 

Got to work again 

Divided the company into 19 families, 
and meafured out lots 

Tried to work, but rainy 

Do. Saw Indian fmokes 

At work again. Digory Prieft dies. . . . 

Thofe who were cutting thatch faw more 
Indian fmokes, but no Indians 




















Day of 

O. S. 

N. S. 















4 Jan. 

5 Jan. 

6 Jan. 

8 Jan. 

9 Jan. 

1 1 Jan. 

12 Jan. 

13 Jan. 

14 Jan. 

15 Jan. 

16 Jan. 

17 Jan. 

18 Jan. 

19 Jan. 

20 Jan. 

21 Jan. 

22 Jan. 
29 Jan. 

30 Jan. 

31 Jan. 

14 Jan. 

15 Jan. 

16 Jan. 

18 Jan. 

19 Jan. 

21 Jan. 

22 Jan. 

23 Jan. 

24 Jan. 

25 Jan. 

26 Jan. 

27 Jan. 

28 Jan. 

29 Jan. 

30 Jan. 

31 Jan. 

1 Feb. 
8 Feb. 

9 Feb. 
10 Feb. 


4 Feb. 14 Feb. 

9 Feb. 19 Feb. 

Standifh with a party went out, and 
found wigwams, but no natives. Shot 
an eagle, and likened it to mutton ! . . 

A failor found a herring ; so they hoped 
for fifh foon, but had no cod-hooks . . 

C. Martin very fick, and fends afhore for 
Carver, who goes on Sunday morning 

A fine fair day ; the fhallop goes out for 
fifh, and has good succefs. F. Bil- 
lington difcovers the lake fince called 
by his name. Martin dies 

Divided their lots of land by lot 

William Bradford taken fick while at 

Began to rain about noon. John Good- 
man and Peter Brown loft themfelves 

Goodman and Brown found their way 
back in the evening 

The thatch of the common houfe took 
fire and burned. The greater number 
were now on more, and they had in- 
tended to have fervice there this day, 
but the fire poftponed it 

Rainy again, and no communication be- 
tween the fhip and the fhore 

A fair, funfhiny day, like April 

Began to make a fhed to ftore provifion 
in, but at noon it rained. John Good 
man faw two wolves 

Made the fhed 

Kept their meeting on land for the firft 

Fair day ; ftored their meal in the fhed 

Cold, with fleet, but cleared up, and the 
long-boat and fhallop carried goods 
afhore. Rofe Standifh died 

Frofty, with fleet ; could not work 

Same weather. Saw two favages run- 
ning away, who feemed to have been 
on the Ifland near the fhip 

Wet, and fo windy as almoft to endan- 
ger the light fhip, and to wafh out the 
" daubing " of their houfes 

So cold they could work but little. The 
















Day of 






o. s. 

16 Feb. 

17 Feb. 

21 Feb. 

25 Feb. 
3 Mar. 

7 Mar. 

16 Mar. 

17 Mar. 

18 Mar. 

19 Mar. 

20 Mar. 

21 Mar. 

Th. I22 Mar. 

N. S. 

26 Feb. 

27 Feb. 

3 Mar. 

7 Mar, 
13 Mar. 

17 Mar. 

26 Mar. 

27 Mar. 

28 Mar. 

29 Mar. 

30 Mar. 

31 Mar. 

1 Apr. 



houfe for the fick people got on fire, 
but with little damage. The mailer 
killed five geefe, and found a dead 

Fair, but cold. One fowling faw twelve 
Indians and heard more. The In- 
dians made a great fire at night, and 
carried off fome tools left in the 

Had a meeting to eftablifli military- 
orders. Chofe Miles Standilh cap- 
tain. Saw two favages on Watfon's 
Hill making figns, but they ran away 

Got the great guns afliore and mounted 
them on the hill, and had a feaft 
with Mafter Jones. Wm. White, 
Wm. Mullins, and two others, die. . 

Mary, wife of Ifaac Allerton, dies 

The birds fang, and there was a thun- 
derftorm with rain 

Wind E. Carver went with a party to 
the great ponds. Sowed fome gar- 
den feeds 

Had another meeting about military 
orders, &c, but were interrupted by 
the coming in upon them of Samofet, 

Samofet difmifled with prefents. A fair 

A reafonable fair day. Samofet came 
again, with five others, to truck. 
They were fent away becaufe it was 
Sunday ; but Samofet would not go, 
feigning fickness 

Fair day. Digged, and fowed garden 

Fair day. Digged, and fowed garden 

Fine warm day. Samofet fent away. 
Another meeting about laws and or- 
ders, again interrupted by the In- 
dians coming. The carpenter, long 
fick, was able to fit the fhallop " to 
fetch all from aboard ". 

Another fine day, and another attempt 
at public bufinefs interrupted by the 
coming of Samofet and Squanto, 












Day of 

O. S. 

N. S. 



announcing Majfafoit, who made a 
formal call, with his brother and fuit, 

and concluded a treaty 

A very fair day. Vifits exchanged be- 
tween the colonifts and Maffafoifs 
party. Squanto caught a batch of 
eels. Concluded the fo-many-times- 
interrupted laws and orders, and 
chofe John Carver governor for the 
enfuing year 

Stephen Hopkins and Edward Winflow 
ftart for Pokanokit, and go to Na- 
mafket, and the Indian wear in Tit- 

They croffed the Titictit at Squabetty, 
and proceeded to Matepyjl (Gard- 
ner's Neck), and thence to Sowams 
(Warren, R. I.), and were welcomed 
by Majfajoit 

Saw many Sachems, and witneffed their 
games, &c, &c 

Started early and failing for Plymouth, 
came to Matepyjl, and flept at the 

Got home, wet, weary, and worn 



23 Mar, 

2 Apr. 






M. ? 

T. ? 
W. ? 


2 July 

3 July 

5 July 

6 July 

7 July 

6 Au.? 

7 Au. ? 

8 Au. ? 

12 July 

13 July 

15 >iy 

16 July 

17 July 

16 Au. ? 

17 Au. 

18 Au. 


13 Aug. 23 Aug. 

14 Aug 

24 Aug 






Ten men ftart for Naufet (Eaftham), to 
feek John Billington, who had loft 
himfelf in the woods. Put in at 
Cumma quid (Barnftable), at night. . 

Saw lyanough, and went on to Naufet, 
where they found the boy 

Returned fafely to Plymouth 

They refolve to fend ten men armed to 
Namajket, to revenge the fuppofed 
death of Squanto 

The company ftarted in the rain, loft 
themfelves, but reached Coubatanfs 

1 16— 1 17 



Day of 






o. s. 



IS Aug. 

1 8 Sept. 

N. S. 

19 Sept, 

20 Sept. 

21 Sept 

22 Sept. 

13 Nov. 
n Dec. 

13 Dec, 
17 Feb. 

25 Aug. 

28 Sept. 

29 Sept. 

30 Sept. 

1 Oct. 

2 Oct. 

23 Nov. 
21 Dec. 

23 Dec. 
27 Feb. 





houfe and attacked it, and captured 

the party 

Explained matters, and returned to 

Ten men, with Squanto and three 
other Indians, ftart at midnight for 
the Majachufets 

Arrived in Bofton Bay too late to land 

Landed at Squantum, in Quincy, and 
toward night croffed over to Charles- 

Marched up to Nanepajhemei 's grave 
(in Medford), &c. Saw many Indian 
women, and, returning to their flial- 
lop, ftarted on their return voyage . . 

Arrived back at Plymouth before noon 


The Fortune arrives, bringing Robert 
Cufliman, and 35 perfons to be col- 

Edward Winflow writes to George 
Morton, to be fent with thefe " Re- 
lations " by the fhip on her return 

The Fortune fails on her return 

Cufliman reaches London, after capture 
and detention at Ile-d ' Yeu 








-^ sQx <^m^^- 



The Arabic figures refer to the page in the body of the work ; the Roman numerals refer to the intro- 
ductory matter. 

Names in italics are thofe of Indians. 

ACCOMACK, an Indian name 
for Plymouth, 84. 

Adams, John, came in the Fortune, 

Advice to a paffenger coming acrofs 
the ocean, 141. 

Agaffiz, Louis, his opinion touching 
the flioals which intercepted the 
Mayflower, 2. 

Akkompoin, an Indian, 91. 

Alcuin, quoted, xv. 

Alden, John, 7. 

Alderton, fee Allerton. 

Alewives, ufed in cultivating the foil, 

Alexander, fon of Maffafoit, 91. 

Allen, Joan, 140. 

Allerton, Bartholomew, 7. Ifaac, 7, 
73, 93, 96. John, 8, 45- Mary, 7, 
bis, 66; dies, 82; marries, 138. Re- 
member, 7. Sarah, 69. 

Allerton, Point, 125. 

Allin, William, 73. 

Angoum, otherwife Agawam [Ipf- 

wich], thought of as a place for fet- 

tlement, 39 ; defcribed, 40. 
Apannow, 134. 
Aqua vitae, what ? 17. 
Arrow-head, of what made, 55. 
Ashmun, George, xxx. ; Elizabeth, 

Aspinet, fachem of Naufet, or Eaft- 

ham, 115. 

BARKER, Elizabeth, firft wife of 
Edward Winslow, 96. 

Barnftable harbor, not vifited by the 
firft exploring party, 23 ; vifited 
afterward by Winflow and his par- 
ty, ii2. 

Barron, Robert, xxvii. 

Bafe, a piece of artillery, 82. 

Baffet, Sarah, 42. William, 42 ; his 
arrival in the Fortune, 140. 

Baylies, Francis, xxx. 

Beach Point, 26, 28. 

Beale, William, came in the Fortune, 

1 66 


Bellamie, John, printer of the origi- 
nal edition of the " Relation," xii., 

Billingfgate Point, pafled by the third 
exploring party, 46. 

Billington, Ellen, 8. Francis, 8 ; near- 
ly blows up the Mayflower, 43 ; dif- 
covers Billington Sea, 71. John, 
8 ; hanged for murder, 43. John, 
the younger, 8 ; lost in the woods, 
112; recovered at Eaftham, 115. 

Bompafle [now Bumpus], Edward, 

Bonham, George, xxvii. Patience, 
ibid. Ruth, ibid. Sarah, ibid. 

Boy [John Billington] loft in the 
woods, H2; recovered, 115. 

Bradford, Dorothy, 7; drowned, 60. 
John, 14. Jofeph, ibid. Mercy, 
ibid. William, ibid. 

Bradford, William, a figner of the 
civil compact, 7 ; one of the firft 
exploring party, 14; his antece- 
dents, public fervices, &c, ibid.j 
caught in a deer-trap, 25 ; one of 
the fecond exploring party, 28 ; of 
the third, 44 ; taken fick, 72, 77 ; 
chofen governor, 133. 

Bradford, William, reafons for con- 
fidering him author of the principal 
part of the " Relation," xvi., xvii., 
45, 52, 72. 

Bradford, William, his Hiftory quoted, 
2, S, 8, 9, 12, 15, 18, 21, 23, 24, 45, 
5°. Si» 5 2 > 57, 59. 66, 80, 100, 101, 
112, 118, 124, 132, 134. 

Brewfter, Fear, 96. Jonathan, 140. 
Love, 7. Mary, 7. Patience, 139. 
Wreftling, 7. 

Brewfter, William, is fent to Eng- 
land from Holland, with Cufliman, 

as agent for the Leyden Church, 
xxxvii.; a figner of the civil com- 
pact, 7 ; mentioned, 73. 

Briggs, Clement, came in the For- 
tune, 140. 

Britteridge, Richard, figner of the 
compact, 8 ; dies, 66. 

Brown, John, of New Harbor, Pema- 
quid, grantee in the firft deed ever 
given by an Indian to a white man, 


Brown, Mary, 73. Prifcilla, 73. Pe- 
ter, figner of the compact, 8 ; ac- 
count of him, 73; loft in the woods, 
74; mentioned, 138. 

Bumpus, fee Bompafle. 

Burial Hill, 65, 67 ; fortified, 65. 

Butler, Maggie, 140. 

Butten, William, 7. 

CANNON, John, came in the 
Fortune, 138. 

Capawak, or Martha's Vineyard, 134. 

Cape Cod, the Mayflower arrives 
there, 3 ; its natural features fince 
greatly changed, 2, 10, 12; large 
trees once grew there, 10. 

Carpenter, Alexander, xxiv., xxvi. 
Alice, xxv., 14. Juliana, xxiv., xxvi. 

Carter, Robert, 7, 9. 

Carver, John, xxiii. ; fent to England, 
with Cufliman, as agent from the 
Leyden Church, xxxvii.; figner of 
the civil compaft, 7; mentioned, 14, 
26, 27, 70, 74, 77, 82 ; chofen gover- 
nor, 9, 97 ; account of him, 43. 

Cary, Eleazar, xxix. John, ibid. Jon- 
athan, ibid. Mary, ibid. 

Catmbatant, or Corbitani, 134. 

Caiunacome, 134. 



Champlain, Samuel, quoted, 21. 

Chandler, Roger, 43. 

Cheever, George B., his edition of the 
" Relation," xiii. 

Chikkatabak, 134. 

Chilton, James, 8. Mary, 8, 138. 

Chingleton, or Singleton, Mary, 

Chronological Table of Events, 157— 

Clark, Faith, 45. Rebecca, xxviii. 
Richard, 8. Thomas, xxviii. Tris- 
tram, 45. 

Clark [Thomas ?], firft mate of the 
Mayflower, xl., 41, 45. 

Clark's Ifland, 45, 57, 58, 60, 63 ; the 
Pilgrims' Sabbath there, 59. 

Claverly, Nicholas, 69. 

Climate of New England, 135. 

Cold Harbor, 29. 

Collier, Mary, 139 ; William, ibid. 

Compact, civil, of the Pilgrims, 6 ; 
names of the figners, 7, 8. 

Conner, William, came in the For- 
tune, 138. 

Cook, Francis, 8, 73, 80 ; account of 
him, 80. John, 8. 

Cooper, Ann, xxvii. Humility, 8, 14. 
Lydia, xxvi. 

Coppin, Robert, fecond mate and pi- 
lot of the Mayflower, xl., 41, 45, 56, 

Copp's Hill, 125. 
Corbitant, otherwife Coubatant, an 

unfriendly fachem, 118, 120-123. 
Cornhill, a place fo named on Cape 

Cod, 30. 
Corvannell, William, 80. 
Cotton, Jofiah, quoted, 85, 124. 
Countefs of Lincoln, letter to her from 

Thomas Dudley quoted, 72. 

Coubatant, fee Corbitant. 

" Cove full of breakers '' in Plymouth 
Bay, where was it ? 57. 

Crackftone, John, 8, bis. 

Cummaquid, or Barnftable harbor, 

Cufhman, Robert, his fhare in the au- 
thorfhip of the "Relation," xvii.; 
his Dedication to John Peirce, 
xxxv. ; reafons for affuming this 
as a fadt, xxxvi. ; account of him, 
xxxvii.; fent to England four times 
as agent of the Leyden Church, 
xxxvii.; his letter quoted, 41 ; makes 
a fhort vifit to Plymouth, xl., 137. 

Cufhman, Robert, his " Reafons and 
Confiderations touching a remov- 
ing to America," 143-154; a per- 
fonal, miraculous call, fuch as the 
patriarchs and prophets had, not 
to be expefted, 144; there is no 
territory which God now fpecifically 
affigns to his people, as Canaan to 
the Hebrews, 145 ; an opportunity 
for greater ufefulnefs may be a call 
to go, 146 ; fuch an opportunity is 
now afforded, 147 ; the converfion 
of the aborigines to be fought, 147 ; 
the Indians are willing to part with 
fome of their land, 148 ; they con- 
fent to our coming to occupy it, 
149 ; the prefent condition of Eng- 
land affords reafons for a removal, 

Cufhman, Thomas, account of him, 

DAVIS, Judge, his notes on 
Mourt's " Relation," xii. 
Dawes, Daniel, xxx. 
Dean, Stephen, came in the Fortune, 

1 68 


1 39 ; built the firft corn-mill in New 
England, ibid. 

Deane, Charles, his aid acknowl- 
edged, xv. 

Deer caught in traps by Indians, 24. 

De Bury quoted, xiv. 

Delano, fee De la Noye. 

De la Noye (now Delano), Philip, 
came in Fortune, 139; account «f, 

Dermer, Thomas, redeemed two fhip- 
wrecked Frenchmen from Indian 
captivity, 21, 83 ; lands Samofet, as 
is fuppofed, on Cape Cod, 83 ; his 
ftatement quoted, 85. 

Dewsbury, Either, 139. 

Dexter, Benjamin, xxx. Elijah, ibid. 
Henry Martyn, ibid. Henry Mor- 
ton, ibid. Nathaniel Morton, ibid. 
Seth, ibid. Thomas, ibid. Wil- 
liam, ibid. 

Digby, Thomas, pilot of Capt. John 
Smith, 41. 

Done, or Doane, John, 73. 

Doten, Edward, 8, 9, 45 ; a party to 
the firft duel in New England, 45. 

Dotey, Edward [the fame man], xxvii. 

Douglas, quoted, 3. 

Drake, Samuel G., his opinion pre- 
ferred in refpefb to Copp's Hill, 125. 

Dudley, Thomas, quoted, 72. 

Duel, firft, in New England, 45. 

Duponceau, Peter, xii. 

Duxbury fettled, 14; mentioned, 139. 

Duxbury Hall, in England, 13. 

Dyer's Swamp, its difappearance, 18. 

EASTHAM, 2, 46, 48, 51, 56. 
Eaft Harbor Creek, 17, 24, 28. 
Eaton, Francis, 8, 43. Samuel, 8. 
Sarah, 8. 

Eel River, in Plymouth, 59, 97. 

Eleftion Rock, 58. 

Elilha's Point, 57. 

Ellis, Mordecai, xxviii. Rebecca, ibid. 

Elfevier, W. J. C. R., his aid acknowl- 
edged, xvi. 

Ely, , a feaman hired by the Pil- 
grim company, 8. 

England, William, 83. 

Englifh, Thomas, 8, 45. 

Errors and mifprints of the original 
edition not corrected in this, and 
why, xiv. 

Expedition to Namafket, 1 18-123; 
to Maffachufetts [Bofton harbor], 

Exploring tour, firft, 13-27; fecond, 
27-38 ; third, 43-59- 

FAUNCE, John, xxvii. Jofeph, 
ibid. Mary, ibid. Mercy, ibid. 
Patience, ibid. Prifcilla, ibid. Sa- 
rah, ibid. Thomas, ibid. 

Feffenden, G. M., quoted, 106. 

" Firft Encounter," in Eaftham, 55. 

Flavel, Thomas, 140. 

Fletcher, Mofes, 8. 

Fobes, Perez, D.D., referred to, 19. 

Ford, widow, came in the Fortune, 
138. John, ibid. Martha, ibid. 
William, ibid. 

Forefathers' Day, 59. 

Fortune, bark, her arrival at Plym- 
outh in 1 621; lift of paffengers, 137- 
141; return voyage, and capture by 
the French, 131-141; her tonnage, 


Freeman, Dr., his notes on the " Re- 
lation," xii.; quoted, 4, 10, 17, 18, 

Freeman, Frederick, quoted, 3, 5, 47. 



Freeman, Samuel, 139. 
French, Charles Henry, xxx. 
Fuller, Ann, 8. Edward, ibid. Sam- 
uel, ibid. Sufanna, 42. 
Fuller, Samuel, the phyfician, 7, 73. 

GARDINER, Richard, xxxv., 8. 
Geefe found on Cape Cod, 29. 
Gibbons, Jotham, 126. 
Gilfon, William, 7^. 
Glafs, James, 140. 
Goodman, John, 8, 73 ; loft in the 

woods, 74, 76. 
Gookin, Daniel, quoted, 36. 
Gorges, Ferdinando, Sir, 86. 
Gofnold, Bartholomew, 2, 11. 
Graham, Major, his chart ufed in this 

edition, xvi. 
Grampus, a fifh, feveral of them found, 

Grave, a failor's, found, 33. 
Graves, Indian, found, 20, 34. 
Great Hollow, 19, 28. 
Great-Meadow Creek, 51. 
Gurnet, 58, 60. 

HANSON, Alice, 14. 
Harlow, Mary, xxvii. Wil- 
liam, ibid. 

Harris, William Thaddeus, 125. 

Harveft of the firft year, 132. 

Hafkell, Benjamin, Dr., of Rockport, 
quoted, 4. 

Hawes, William T., xxix. 

Herring River, 51. 

Hicks, Margaret, 138. Robert, 73, 


Higginfon, Francis, his ftatement of 
the profit of raifing Indian corn, 30. 

Hilton, William, came in the For- 
tune, 137 ; account of him, 138. 

Hobomok, threatened by Corbitant, 
118; efcapes to Plymouth, 120. 

Hocking killed, 44. 

Hodges, Charlotte, xxix. 

Holbeck, William, 8, 9. 

Holmes, John, xxvii. Nathaniel, ibid. 
Samuel D., 72. 

Hooke, John, 7. 

Hopkins's Creek, 23. 

Hopkins, Caleb, 14. Conftance, 8, 
14. Damaris, 8, 14. Deborah, 14. 
Elizabeth, 8, 14. Giles, 8, 14. Oce- 
anus, 8, 14. Ruth, 14. 

Hopkins, Stephen, 8, 14, 25, 44, 81; 
his journey to Pokanoket with 
Winflow, 98-1 1 1. 

Hoppin, Abby, xxix. 

Houfes built by the Pilgrims, how 
conftru&ed, 73, 79, 142. 

Howland, John, 7-9, 14; account of 
him, 44. 

" Huggerie," or fight, at Naufet, 86. 

Hunt, Thomas, a kidnapper of In- 
dians from Plymouth and Naufet, 
54, 86, 90, 1 14. 

Hunter, Jofeph, his fuggeftion touch- 
ing " G. Mourt," xx. ; concerning 
George Morton, xxv.; quoted, 140. 

Hutchinfon, Thomas, quoted, 55. 

Huttamoiden, 134. 


NDIANS firft feen by the explor- 
ing party, 15; their barns, what ? 
21 ; their manner of fecuring their 
corn, ibid. j their habitations de- 
fcribed, 35 ; their implements, 36 ; 
their bafkets, ibid.; their graves, 
49, 108 ; unclad, or nearly fo, 135 ; 
" firft encounter " with, 52 ; figns 
of at Plymouth, 69, 70, 71, 78, 
79, 81 ; a mortal ficknefs among 



them about 1618, 85, 103 ; kid- 
napped by Hunt, and fold in Spain, 
86 ; their costume, 87 ; kind beha- 
vior of, 104, 135 ; afraid of fire-arms, 
106 ; their manner of lodging, 
108; faithful to the colonifts, 133; 
wars among them prevented by the 
colonifts, 135; deftitute of religion, 
ibid, j fortifications defcribed, 128 ; 
willing to part with fome of their 
land, 148. 
Indian corn found by the exploring 
party, 21, 30 ; paid for, 78, 100, 115, 


Ipfwich [Angoum, Agawam] thought 
of as a place for fettlement, 39 ; har- 
bor defcribed, 40. 

Iyanough, fachem of Cummaquid 
[Barnftable], 113 ; entertains Winf- 
low and his party, 113; accompa- 
nies them to Eaftham, 114; his 
generous behavior, 113, 116; his 
melancholy end, 113. 

JAMES, King, his name ufed in 
various public tranfaftions, 6, 7, 
92, 107; nine fachems profefs alle- 
giance to, 134, 135. 

Jennings, John, 43. 

Johnfon, Edward, his "Wonder-work- 
ing Providence " quoted, 54. 

Jones, mafter of the Mayflower, 15, 
27, 39, 55, 79, 81; accompanies the 
fecond exploring party, 28, 29, 32. 

Jones River in Kingfton, 59, 63. 

KIMBALL, M. Day, xxx. 
Kingfton, an exploring party 
visit it, 61, 63. 
Kidnapping of Indians by Hunt, 54, 
86, 90, 114. 

LANGEMORE, John, 7, 9. 
Latham, William, 7. 

Leaver, a mifprint for Carver, 74. 

Lee, Henry, Bifhop of Iowa, xxix. 

Leifter, or Lifter, Edward, 8, 9. 

" Lemes," what is the meaning ? 1 19. 

Levett, Chriftopher, 83. 

Lions, their roar fuppofed to be heard 
at Plymouth, 75. 

Lobfters, abundance of, 101, 135. 

Long Point, Provincetown, the an- 
chorage of the Mayflower, 3, 4, 5, 
15, 26, 45- 

Lovering, Willard, xxix. 

MAIZIUM, a kind of bread made 
by Indians, 101. 
Manomet, 41, 56, 57, 61. 
Maramoick, or Monomoy [Chatham], 


Margefon, Edmond, 8. 

Martha's Vineyard, 134. 

Martin, Chriftopher, 7, 66 ; dies, 70. 

Maflachufetts [Bofton harbor], voy- 
age of Standifh and nine others to, 

Majjfafoit vifits the colonifts, 91 ; treaty 
with him, 93 ; defcribed, 94 ; inter- 
view of Winflow and Hopkins with 
him at Pokanoket, 106 ; his fpeech 
to his fubjefts, 107 ; affords his 
guefts poor entertainment, 108 ; 
preffes them in vain to prolong their 
ftay, 109 ; report of his being a 
prifoner to the Narraganfetts, 116 ; 
further mention of him, 94, 98, 101, 
105, 106, 113, 118, 123, 126, 133, 
134, 148. 

Mayflower fails from Plymouth, Eng., 
1 ; anchors in Provincetown har- 
bor, 3 ; anchors in Plymouth har- 



bor, 60 ; her tonnage, 69. [Sailed 
for England, April 5, 1621.] 

Mayhew, Thomas, receives a deed of 
Martha's Vineyard, 134. 

Medford, 127, 128 ; refidence of a fa- 
chem, ibid. 

Mendlove, Mark, 80. 

Minion, a fort of cannon, 81. 

Minter, Defire, 7. 

Monhegan Ifland, account of, 83. 

Monomoy [Chatham], 115. 

More, Ellen, 7. Jafper, 7. Richard, 7. 

Morgan, Bennet, 140. 

Mort, a Puritan family in Lancashire, 

Morton, Ann, xxviii. Anthony of 
Bawtry, xxv. Charlotte, xxix. Ele- 
azar, xxviii. quater. Eliiha, xxviii. 
Elizabeth, xxvi., xxviii., xxix. Em- 
ily Matilda, xxx. Ephraim, xxvii. 
bis, xxviii. Efther, xxvii. Fran- 
ces Wood, xxx. George, xxvi. 
xxviii. Hannah, xxvii. bis. Icha- 
bod, xxviii. bis. James Hodges, 
xxx. Joanna, xxvii. Joanna Ma- 
ria, xxix. Job, xxix. John, xxvii. 
bis, xxviii. Jofiah, xxviii. Lydia, 
xxvi. Lydia Mafon, xxix. Manaf- 
feh, xxvii. Marcus, xxix. bis. Mar- 
tha, xxvii., xxix. Mary, xxvii., xxx. 
Mercy, xxvi., xxviii. Mordecai, 
xxviii. Nathaniel, xxvi., xxviii. 
ter, xxix. quater. Patience, xxvii., 
xxviii. Rebecca, xxviii. bis, xxix. 
Remember, xxvi. Sarah, xxvii. 
Sarah Carey, xxix. Sufan Tilling- 
haft, xxx. Thomas, xxviii. 

Morton, George, came in the Ann, 
141 ; his defcendants, xxvi.-xxx.; 
account of him, xxii.-xxiv.; reafons 
for believing him to be identical 

with " G. Mourt," xviii.-xxi. ; his 
addrefs " To the Reader," xvii., 

Morton, Marcus, Dedication to him, v. 

Morton, Nathaniel, fon of George, 
Secretary, his " New-England Me- 
morial " quoted, xxi., 5, 9 ; his fam- 
ily, xxii., xxvi. 

Morton, Thomas, brother of George, 

Morton, Thomas, author of " New 
Englifh Canaan," quoted, 20, 21, 
24, 29, 61, 87, 108, 132. 

Morton, Thomas, a paflenger in the 
Fortune, 140. 

Moult, a Puritan family in Derbyihire, 

" Mourt, G," pfeudonyme for George 
Morton, reafons for this opinion, 

"Mourt's Relation," its feveral edi- 
tions, xii.; the typographical errors 
of the original edition not corrected 
in this, and why, xiv.; who were 
the authors, xvi. 

Mullins, Jofeph, 7. Prifcilla, 7. Wil- 
liam, 7; dies, 82. 

Muffels and other fhell-filh fometimes 
poifonous, 4. 

Muttock Hill, in Middleborough, 121. 

Myrick, Osborne, of Provincetown, 
his aid acknowledged, xv. 

Myftic River, 130. 

NAMASKET, or Nemaiket [Mid- 
dleborough], 101, 118; expedi- 
tion thither to defend Maffafoit, 
1 1 8-1 23. 
Nanefiafliemet, 12.6, 127, 128; a fort 
built by him defcribed, ibid., 130; 
his fkeleton exhumed ? 128. 



Narraganfetts, or Narrohiganfets, 96, 
105, 107, 116, 118, 123, 149. 

Nattawahunt, 134. 

Naufet, now Eaftham, vifited by Winf- 
low and others, 11 2-1 17. 

Naufet Indians, 54, 86. 

Nelfon, John, xxviii. 

Nepeof, 120. 

" New Englifh Canaan," quoted, 20, 
21, 24, 29, 61, 87, 108, 132. 

Newton, Elinor, 138. 

Nicholas, Auftin, 138. 

Nokehick [nocake], pounded corn, 88. 

Norris, Mary 96. 

Obbatinnua, 134. 
Ohquamehud, 134. 
Oldham, Margaret, 140. 
Oliver, Judge, his houfe burned, 121. 
Otis, Amos, quoted, 2. 

PALFREY, John G., his hiftory 
referred to, 2, 69. 
Palmer, Emeline, xxx. Simeon, ibid. 

William, 140 bis. 
Pamet River, in Truro, 3, 13, 19, 22, 

23, 28, 30, 38. 
Parnall, William, 83. 
Partridge, Ralph, 139. 
Patuxet, Indian name for Plymouth, 

Paver, William, of York, England, 

Peirce, John, dedication to him, xvii., 

xxxv., xxxvi. 
Pekfuot, 113. 
Philip, 91. 
Philip, John, 138. 
Pickering, Edward, "merchant from 

London," xxiv. 

Pilgrims of the Mayflower, their voy- 
age, 1 ; arrive at Southampton, Eng., 
ibid.; put back to Dartmouth, ibid.; 
leave Plymouth, Eng., ibid.; defcry 
Cape Cod, 2 ; anchor in the harbor 
of Provincetown, 3 ; enter into a 
compact of felf-government, 6 ; a 
copy of this compact, 6, 7; names 
of the figners, 7, 8. Their firft ex- 
ploring party [on land], 8-1 1, 15; 
fee Indians, 15 ; their firft draught 
of the water of New England, 12, 
18 ; find Indian corn, 21, for which 
they afterwards pay, 38, 115, 137; 
obferve traces of former European 
vifitants, 21, 22, 30; armed with 
matchlocks, 24 ; return of the party 
to the flap, 26. Second exploring 
party [in the fliallop], 28 ; reach 
Eaft-Harbor Creek> 28 ; reach Pa- 
met River, 29 ; find Indian graves 
and wigwams, 34'; return to the 
ftiip, 37; reafons for and againft fet- 
tling on Cape Cod, 38-40. Third 
exploring party, in the fhallop, along 
the inner coaft of Cape Cod, 45; 
defcry Indians, 47 ; find an Indian 
burying-place, 49 ; firft encounter 
with Indians, in Eaftham, 52 ; 
caufe of the attack, 54, 114; arrive 
in the harbor of Plymouth, 58 ; land 
on Clark's Ifland, and keep Sab- 
bath there, 59; the party in the 
ftiallop land on Plymouth Rock, 
ibid. ; return to the fliip, ibid. ; the 
fhip brought into Plymouth harbor, 
60 ; fome of the company wifh to 
plant themfelves on Clark's Ifland, 
63 ; final determination to fettle on 
Town Brook at Plymouth, 64 ; the 
work of building commenced, 66, 



72 ; the lots meafured out, 68 ; the 
firft deaths, 66 ; faw Indian fmokes, 
but no Indians, 69, 70 ; name their 
fettlement Plymouth, 69 ; had a 
mild winter, 72; their common houfe 
partly destroyed by fire, 77; their 
firft Sabbath fervice on fhore, 78 ; 
the landing from the fhip completed 
about the end of March, 90 ; their 
firft harveft, 132, and Thankfgiv- 
ing, 133- 

Pitt, William, came in the Fortune, 
1 138. 

Plummer, Ann, 14. 

Plymouth, the landing at, 59 ; harbor 
defcribed, 60 ; territory, 62 ; plants 
and trees found there, ibid. ; the 
name impofed, and why, 69 ; called 
by the Indians Patuxet, 84. 

Plymouth Rock, landing on, 59. 

Pokanoket, vifit to, 98 ; etymology 
and meaning of the word, 102 ; the 
embafly arrives at Namafket, 10 r, 
at Titicut, 102 ; figns of a former 
extenfive cultivation, 103, 104 ; the 
country defcribed, 105 ; the embaffy 
reach Pokanoket, 106 ; interview 
vn.tb.MaJ/afoit, 106; return, m. 

Pond Village, in Truro, 18, 19. 

Pontus, William, 140. 

Prence, Thomas, governor, came in 
the Fortune, account of him, 1 39. 

Priest, Digory, 8 ; dies, 69 ; account 
of him, 69, 96. 

Prince, Thomas, his Annals quoted, 
9, 23, 66 ; his New-England Chro- 
nology quoted, 37, 69, 112. 

Prower, Solomon, 7, 9 ; dies, 66. 

Purchas, his abridgment of the " Re- 
lation," xii. 


UADEQUINA, brother of 
Maffafoit, vifits the colony, 91, 
92 ; defcribed, 95 ; profefles him- 
felf a loyal fubjeft of King James, 

RELATION, Mourt's, its fuccef- 
five editions, xii.; their errors 
not corrected in this, and why, 
xiv. ; its feveral authors afcertained, 

Ridgdale, Alice, 8. John, ibid. 

Ring, Elizabeth, 139. 

Robinfon, Anna, xxv. 

Robinfon, John, his fhare in the " Re- 
lation," xvii. ; his letter to Carver, 
xxiii.; his "Letter of Advice" to the 
Pilgrims of the Mayflower received 
at Southampton, xli.-xlvii. ; he is 
reftrained by neceffity from going 
with them, xii. ; admonifhes them 
to daily repentance for fin, xlii. ; 
cautions them againft both giving 
and taking offence, xliii., fince many 
of them have had but a brief ac- 
quaintance, xliv.; exhorts them to 
cultivate a generous public fpirit, 
xlv., and to fubmit themfelves to 
the civil authority which they would 
erect in their new home, xlvi. ; a 
paffage fhowing that the Pilgrims 
fully intended, before commencing 
their voyage, to eftablifh on thefe 
fhores a government refting on the 
consent of the perfons governed, 
xliv., xlv. 

Rock Harbor, in Eaftham, 51. 

Rock, Plymouth, Pilgrims land on, 

Rogers, Jofeph, 8. Thomas, ibid. 



SAKER, a gun, 81. 
Sailer, a mifprint for faker, 81. 

Sa?nofet, an Indian, 54; vifits the col- 
onifts at Plymouth, 83 ; account of 
him, ibid. ; information imparted by 
him, 84, 85 ; repeats his vifit, 87 ; 
his third vifit, 90, 97. 

Samfon, Henry, 8, 14. 

Saquifh Point, 57, 58, 60. 

Schoolcraft, Henry R., quoted, 20. 

Sea-fowl, great abundance of at Cape 
Cod, 3. 

Seals caught, 71. 

Shaw, Edward, 80. 

Simmons, fee Symonfon. 

Singleton, Mary, xxxvii. Thomas, 

Slanie, or Slany, John, of London, 91. 

Smith, John, Captain, his abridgment 
of the " Relation," xii. ; had vifited 
New England, xl. ; his " Defcrip- 
tion of New England" known to 
the Pilgrims, 4 ; his work quoted, 
11, 40, 41, 84, 86, 100. 

Snaphance, what ? 52. 

Snow, " Hiftory of Bofton," quoted, 

Somerville, 126. 

Soule, George, a paffenger in the 
Mayflower, 7, 8 ; mentioned, 88. 

Southworth, Alice, 14. 

Sowams, in Warren, R. I., the refi- 
dence of Maffafoit, 106. 

Spooner, John, 43. 

Squabetty, in Raynham, 103. 

Squanto, or Tifguantum, 83 ; vifits 
the colonifts, 90 ; his fervices, 92, 
97, 118; dies, 90. See Tifguan- 
Squantum, apeninfula in Quincy, 125. 
Squaw-fachem of Maffachufetts, 126. 

Stacie, Hugh, came in the Fortune, 

Standifti, Alexander, 14. Charles, 
ibid. Jonah, ibid. Lora, ibid. Miles 
the younger, ibid. Rofe, 7, 14, 78. 

Standifh, Miles, 7, 13, 54; account of 
him, 13; his public fervices, 14; 
mentioned, 42, 43, 52, 70, 80, 81, 
90, 92, 96, 113, 148 ; chofen captain, 
80 ; his expedition to Namaflcet, 
119; to Bofton harbor, 124. 

Star Mills in Middleborough, 101. 

Stewart, James, came in the Fortune, 

Stevens's Point, 10. 

Stout's Creek, 16, 25. 

Story, Elias, 7, 9. 

Strawberries [qu. cranberries] plenti- 
ful on Cape Cod, 20. 

Stowers, Mary, her marriage, xxiv. 

Stuws, Maycken, her marriage, xxiv. 

Swift, Thomas, xxviii. 

Symonfon, Mofes, 139. 

TARRATINES, or Penobfcot 
Indians, feared by Maifachu- 
fetts Indians, 126, 127. 

Templar, Ann, wife of Nathaniel Mor- 
ton, xxvi. 

Tench, William, 138. 

Thacher, Anthony, 88. 

Thacher, quoted, 15, 97. 

Thankfgiving, the firft, 133. 

"Thievim Harbor," 42, 55. 

Thomfon, Edward, 8, 9. 

Thoreau, quoted, 17, 19, 20, 21. 

Tilley, Ann, 8, 14. Edward, 8, 14, 
44, 46. Elizabeth, 8, 14, 44. John, 
8, 14, 44. 

Tinker, Thomas, 8. 

Tinkham, Ephraim, 73. 



Tifquantum, the fame as Squanto, 
98, 102, 109, 113, 114, 119, 121, 122, 
123, 124, 125, 129. 

Titicut, 102. 

Tobacco, ufed by the Indians, 88, 

Tokamahamon, 109, no, 113, 119, 
120, 122. 

Town Brook, in Plymouth, 59, 61, 81. 

Traps for deer, 24. 

Treaty with Maffafoit, 93. 

Trevore, William, 8. 

Trumbull, J. Hammond, his aid ac- 
knowledged, xv., 53, 119. 

Turbot not the halibut, 61. 

Tupper, Martha, xxix. 

Turner, John, 8. 

Unnongoit, 83. 

VEGETABLE produaions of 
New England, 136. 
Vincent, John, 69. 
Vines, Richard, 134. 
Vines, grape, on Cape Cod, 20. 

Cod, 20. 

Warren, Jofeph, xxvii., 44. Nathan- 
iel, 44. Richard, 8, 44. 

Watfon, Samuel, xxix. 

Way, Thomas, 83. 

Waymouth, George, 90. 

Webbacowet, 126. 

Webfter, Daniel, refidence of, 43, 44. 

Wellfleet Bay, 46, 47, 48, 49. 

Wellingfly, in Plymouth, 59. 

Wefton, Thomas, his negotiations 
with the Leyden people, xix., xxiii., 

Whales feen in Provincetown harbor, 
3, 36. 

White, Daniel, 42. John A., ibid. 
Jonathan, ibid. Mercy, ibid. Per- 
egrine, ibid. Refolved, 8, 42. Sa- 
rah, 42. Silvanus, ibid. Sufanna, 
8, 42. William, 8, 42 ; dies, 82. 

Wigwams, how made, 35. 

Wilder, Roger, 7, 9. 

Wilkin, Roger, 96. 

Williams, Roger, quoted, 20, 36, 37, 
108, 124, 128. 

Williams, Thomas, 8, 93. 

Williamfon, a mifprint for Allerton, 


Willis, Richard, xxvii. 

Wilfon, Hendrik, 43. Roger, xxiv. 

Winetuxet River, 103. 

Winflow, Edward, his mare in the 
authorfhip of the "Relation," xvii.; 
the " Relation" printed without his 
confent, xviii., 135 ; a figner of the 
civil compact, 7; his first marriage, 
to Elizabeth Barker, 44, 96 ; his 
fecond, to Sufanna, widow of Wil- 
liam White, 42, 44 ; his voyages to 
England and Hifpaniola, 44; gov- 
ernor, ibid. ; his death at fea, ibid. ; 
mentioned, 42, 44, 45, 54, 91, 92; 
quoted, 80, 135, 139; his journey to 
Pokanoket, 98 ; mult have written 
the narrative of that journey, 98, 
and the letter at the clofe, 142 ; 
purpofe of the journey, 99 ; arrives 
at Namafket, 101, and at Titicut, 
102 ; fords Taunton River, 103 ; 
obferves figns of a former large pop- 
ulation, 103 ; arrives at Pokanoket, 
106 ; flender entertainment there, 
108 ; fuffers from hunger on the re- 
turn, 109 ; vifit to Cummaquid 



[Barnftable], 112, and to Naufet 
[Eaftham], 1 14 ; interview with Af- 
pinet, 115 ; return to Plymouth, 
117; his letter to G. M. [George 
Morton], 1 31-142; fummaryofthe 
tranfaftions of the firft year, 132, 
133 ; his eftimate of the country 
and climate, 135 ; advice touching 
preparations for a voyage to Plym- 
outh, 141. 

Winflow, Elizabeth, 7. Gilbert, 8. 
John, 138. 

Wittuwamet, 113. 

Wolves, their howl miftaken for the 

roar of lions, 75. 
Wood, " New- England's Profped" 

quoted, 20. 
Wood-gaile, what ? 17, 18. 
Wright, Prifcilla, 138. William, ibid. 
Wrington, Somerfetfhire, Eng., xxiv., 



OUNG, Dr., quoted or referred 
to, xi., xii., xvi., xviii., xx., 2, 4, 
9> 18, 23, 25, 26, 32, 45, 47, 48, 51, 
63, 67, 74, 85, 93, 116, 119, 125, 136.